Jack Hindon Verkenners

Jack Hindon Verkenners

Who are we?

The Jack Hindon Scouts is a London posting of the Verkennersbeweging van Suid-Afrika, who supports and calls for Boere-Afrikaner self-determination.

We hold the opinion that the current constitutional order in South Africa is destined to fail. It basically enables and ensures the inept ANC to govern South Africa ad infinitum, whose populist and racist National Democratic Revolution policies are not only economically unsustainable, but also inciting and fuelling racial hatred, especially against minorities who celebrate their distinct cultural identity and heritage.

The Jack Hindon Scouts subsequently maintain that the only solution for a durable peace in South Africa would be for government to back down on its efforts of social engineering (via draconian discriminatory policies like Black Economic Empowerment, Affirmative Action and Land Reform) a so-called egalitarian Rainbow society - which is only beneficial to top ANC cadres - and allow the Boer people to determine their own future in peaceful co-existence with all other ethnic groups in South Africa.

The Jack Hindon Scouts further rejects any notion of a "Rainbow Nation", not only because the ANC clearly doesn't believe in it either, but mainly because it is a pipe dream with no founding in reality.

One only needs to look at the United Kingdom and its devolution of power to the Northern Irish, Scottish and Welsh assemblies in Belfast, Edinburgh and Cardiff respectively to realise that engineering a common purpose and common identity for distinct and diverse ethnic groups is not as easy as coining a good catchphrase.

In South Africa we are well aware of the consequences of the actions of do-gooders who utilised government's powers of coercion and compulsion in order to engineer a society they deemed more acceptable. Now, how is it that we find ourselves today at the opposite side of the very same junction?

If government policies of FORCED segregation are evil, who decided that government policies of FORCED integration are good and the right way to go?

Surely a more Laissez-Faire approach of live and let live and "All peoples have the right to self-determination", in line with The United Nations International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, sounds much more digestible.

Apart from the odd protest, the Jack Hindon Scouts mainly focus on celebrating the Afrikaner culture also here in the United Kingdom. This includes arranging Cantus evenings and events commemorating historical Boer figures like Danie Theron, CR de Wet, Jopie Fourie, Koos de la Rey, etc. as well as Boer victories like the Battle of Majuba. We are also involved in arranging the annual Day of the Vow religious festival.

Thursday 10 May 2012

Ignorance - Red Ken's tool in gathering populist votes

After recent weeks of severe political turmoil, when Ken Livingstone had to admit using private doctors for his annual medical check-up despite declaring his opposition to privatisation, losing the endorsements of influential columnists Jonathan Freedman of The Guardian and Dan Hodges of The Telegraph in addition to that of Labour peer lord Alan Sugar, mainly for his embrace of controversial Islamic scholar Yusuf Al-Qaradawi: "He supports suicide bombing in Israel. I don't agree with him on that. But he denounced any attempt to have a terrorist attack in Britain," one can understand why he might now be desperate to secure any possible vote he can.

On Saturday, 28 April Ken joined an event advertised as "In celebration of the 18th anniversary of South Africa's freedom and first non-racial democratic elections, 27 April 1994". As reported by The South African: "Livingstone, knowing that South Africans can vote in this week's local election, fittingly wasted no time in reminding the crowd of Labour's and his own personal commitment to the struggle. Though he might have been preaching to the converted, his contribution to the erection of both Mandela statues in London, against Tory opposition, was well received across the hall. Added to this some witty Thatcher and Smuts jibes and a commitment to holding the biggest party for the 20th Freedom Day Celebration at City Hall, he  soon had the crowd worked up to rapturous applause. Though trying to come across as more moderate with pro-Milliband references, when the odd "Viva Ken" rang out, you could almost see a tear in his eye for his red past."

However, what the mainstream media did not report, was that a small group of Afrikaners, calling themselves "Boers in Exile", held a protest outside the church hall where the event was hosted.

With slogans on their placards ranging from "More than 3,000 farmers murdered since 1994" and "Families butchered everyday" to "No farmers, no food" and "Boer genocide = African famine," this small group of protestors handed out pamphlets informing attendees and passersby of the reality of "farm murders" and the unfolding Boer genocide in South Africa.

Ironically, whilst Mr Livingstone was addressing the crowd and patting himself on the back for his role in brokering "freedom in South Africa", the protestors had to endure verbal and at one stage physical abuse from one of the attendees. Not knowing he was on camera, the man echoed slogans like "Kill the Boer" and "The Boers should go back to Holland"; only to change his tune to the well-known ANC catchphrases of "equality" and "respect" when he noticed the iPhone camera pointing in his direction.




It is noteworthy that whilst South Africa's population grew from approximately 10 million in 1947 (Oxford University Press: Successful Human and Social Sciences Grade 7, 1999) to approximately  40.5 million in 1996 and 44.8 million in 2001, the Afrikaner population shrunk by 20,000 (2.56 million in 1996 to 2.54 million in 2001) during a five year period of "freedom" (Census 2001). Not only have the ANC's discriminatory policies since the peaceful transfer of power led to the emigration of many Afrikaners (with many others not able to afford the journey being left destitute in camps), but its hostility and indifference towards crime also made farming in South Africa the most dangerous occupation in the world

Add to this the frightening statistics of more than 3,000 farmers being murdered in more than 10,000 attacks since 1994, South African President Zuma's singing of "Shoot the Boer" at the ANC's centenary celebrations in Bloemfontein earlier this year, the fact that South Africa is now listed at stage 5 - Polarization - of Genocide by Genocide Watch, as well as the knock-on effect of these factors on food production in Sub-Saharan Africa, and one cannot help but be appalled by the misuse of words like "liberty" and "freedom" by the ANC establishment and their supporters abroad.

That is unless you are an opportunistic politician of course. Every attempt to hand a pamphlet to Mr Livingstone was greeted with a polite "No, thank you". What he just as well could have said was "The true circumstances in South Africa is an inconvenience to my political career and by accepting your pamphlet I would defeat the whole purpose of me being here - gathering votes for the upcoming mayoral elections."

One thing should be clear to all - populist politics at the expense of the Boer minority in South Africa is as alive in Britain as it is in South Africa.

Hans Earle

Chairman: Jack Hindon Scouts, London

Thursday 21 July 2011

Nelson Mandela - communist, terrorist, rabble-rouser !


Nelson Mandela, founded MK, which was defined as a terrorist organisation by the US government and by Amnesty International.
The Mandela Legend:
Webster defines a legend as “a story generally of a marvellous character, told respecting a saint”.  It has an historical background, but is often padded and tainted by fantasy.  In Mandela’s case, when the facts are viewed realistically and objectively, any sensible person will no longer see a saint, but a fantasy blown up to something supernatural.  It will become clear that a false image of the so-called beloved Madiba is being presented to the world.  He is by no means the peace-loving, gentle daddy he is made out to be, but nothing less than a tyrant.  He did not spend 27 years in jail for no reason, as continuously maintained.  One example of these untruthful presentations appeared in the London Independent, May 1993: “Nelson Mandela is a noble man ... imprisoned for 27 years for his dedication to the cause of Black majority in South Africa”. 
How much of such misrepresentation could be ascribed to naive parrot-talk and how much to deliberate communist propaganda cannot easily be determined.  The truth is that he was not imprisoned on Robben Island without reason – not even because he was merely an opponent of apartheid.  He was there because he planned to overthrow a government and in the process, cause the violent deaths of thousands of innocent people (including blacks) – a crime which deserved the death penalty, and he must consider himself fortunate that the so-called apartheid-regime did not press for it.  In his auto-biography Long Walk to Freedom, het admits inter alia that he gave the order to plant the Church Street bomb during the 80's, which killed 11 innocent people and injured many more.
In spite of this he was built up to an icon and held up as “a man of reconciliation”, as “essentially moderate, a man of special discernment, a courageous freedom fighter”.  His international praise singers went as far as comparing him to Moses and George Washington.  Topping them all was the American negro, Jesse Jackson, who blasphemously lifted him to the level of Jesus Christ.  What is equally dumbfounding is that the post-1966 SA government hardly ever tried to unmask the real Mandela or his share in the Rivonia complot or his close bonds with the ANC/SACP, or to enlighten the public as to the aims of this alliance.


This enormous soviet flag was displayed at ANC mass rallies. Communist leaders such as Joe Slovo were not only present as dignitaries, but later occupied key posts within the ANC government.

Pre-History of Mandela:
Rolihlahla Dalibungu (“Nelson” was added later) Mandela was born on 18 July 1918 at Mvezo (according to the biography published by  the Nelson Mandela Foundation) or at Qunu (according to Aida Parker), near Umtata in the Transkei, as a member of the royal Thembu family.  His education started in the local mission school, from where he was sent to the Clarkebury Boarding Institute for his Junior Certificate.  Then to the Healdtown Wesleyan High School where he matriculated.  According to the biography of the Mandela Foundation (hereinafter referred to as the Biography) he then entered the Fort Hare University as a BA-student,  but was expelled for taking part in a protest boycott.  In 1941 he moved to Johannesburg, as he says, to escape from an arranged marriage.  There Walter Sisulu took him under his wing, housed him in his mother’s house, supported him financially and encouraged him to join the ANC, which he did in 1943.  According to the Biography Sisulu arranged for him to do his  clerkship at the law firm of Lazar Sidelsky.  He completed his BA degree at Unisa in 1942 and shortly afterwards enrolled at the University of the Witwatersrand for an LL.B degree which he had not passed by the time he left in 1948.  A few years later though he did pass the entrance examination and started a legal practice in Johannesburg in August 1952.
In 1944 he became a founder member, probably with Sisulu and Oliver Tambo, of the ANC Youth League, which soon developed into militant organisation designed to canvas potential communists and apply pressure on the ANC to opt for more violence.  Five years later these three were in total control of the Youth League and thus effectively also of the ANC.  Mandela was elected in 1949 to the National Executive Committee of the ANC and became president of the Youth League the following year.  In 1952 he was nominated as voluntary head of the “Defiance Campaign”, formed to incite opponents of the apartheid policy to civil disobedience.  These undermining activities regularly landed him into trouble and he received several suspended sentences which restricted his freedom of movement.  Later, in 1952, he was elected Provincial President of the ANC in Transvaal and Deputy President of the ANC.  Meanwhile, his patron, Sisulu, had become the first full time Secretary-General of the ANC.  After the events at Sharpeville on 21 March 1960, the organisation was banned and went underground.   Since then Mandela emerged as the leading proponent of the violence  option to overthrow the SA government.  The current image of a “man of peace” does not fit the man who in 1961, with Joe Slovo, founded  Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the military wing of the ANC, as the main instrument to launch a communist revolution in SA.  In the same year Mandela became chief commander and, according to Joe Slovo in his book South Africa – No Middle Road, shortly afterwards left for Africa and Europe to muster support for an armed struggle and training facilities for ANC cadres.  He also personally underwent military training in Algeria in 1962.  Towards the end of that year, thanks to Mandela’s efforts, there were already hundreds of ANC youths in revolutionary training in Cuba, Algeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, North Korea, Russia, China, East Germany and Czecho-Slovakia.  In the same year Mandela was arrested for undermining activities and jailed for five years.  In the Rivonia trial (1963-1964) he was found guilty and jailed for life.
Mandela was married three times and divorced twice.  His first marriage was to Evelyn Mase (according to the Biography) or Ntoko (according to Aida Parker) from which four children were born.  From his second marriage with Winnie Madikizela in June 1958  two daughters were born.  On his 80th birthday in 1998 he married Graca Machel, widow of Samora Machel of Mocambique.


"Long live the Cuban Revolution. Long live comrade Fidel Castro" - Nelson Mandela
Exalted to Symbol of the ANC Struggle
Reportedly it was decided in 1976 to “personalise” the so-called struggle, which resulted in Mandela being glorified to a symbol of the struggle as well as a martyr.  Why him, is difficult to determine, as both Walter Sisulu and Govan Mbeki, who were also serving sentences on Robben Island, were his seniors in all respects.  It would appear as if Winnie Mandela’s image, which was also being polished at the time, had something to do with it.  With appellations like “Mother of the Nation” (Mama Wetu), “Warrior Queen”, “Black Evita” and ”The Madonna of the Left” the local and international media boosted her reputation to almost that of a goddess.  In contrast, Albertina Sisulu, Walter’s wife and a cousin of Mandela, was reportedly rather humdrum.  Author is not aware that Mbeki’s wife ever featured in the public eye.
It is equally not clear where this idea of image building originated.  Dr Igor Glagolev, who was for years instrumental in obtaining Soviet support for South African terrorist movements but later deviated to the West, states that the Russian (USSR) Politburo had decided towards the end of 1950 to start a campaign to take over South Africa.  That in itself was not new, because the International Communist Congress of 1928 had already instructed the Communist Party of South Africa (SACP) to give special attention to the ANC and to convert the organisation to a national revolutionary movement in order to overthrow the White administration.  Yusuf Dadoo, then chairman of the SACP, would play an important role in these plans, as he had been in control of not only the SACP but also of the ANC, since 1950.  The USSR was of course also behind the civil wars in Angola and Mocambique as well as terrorism in the rest of Southern Africa.
Ironically it was the Western countries like England, America and the Scandinavian countries that financed the terrorist movements in Southern Africa in later years.  They also actively participated with the international Communist network in building the Mandela image, referring to him as the man who would save South Africa – the black Messiah to come.  This active support of the ANC by the Western powers was thus also the reason why, worldwide, there was hardly any criticism against the ANC’s campaign of violence.  How deeply the West was involved is borne out by the fact that the ANC headquarters were not in a Communist country, but in London.


This child was a "necklace" murder victim. Take a car tire, some fuel, binding wire to keep the victim cooperative - and a match. The ANC's sole contribution to modern warfare.

"With our boxes of matches and our necklaces we shall liberate this country" - Winnie Mandela.
Rivonia: a Diabolical Complot to Overthrow the SA Government
Even before the advent of the Republic the enemies of the Whites in South Africa were intensively busy with undermining activities.  In 1960, the ANC was banned and went underground.  When it became known that South Africa would become a republic, the ANC convened the All African Conference where it was decided to insist on a national convention, representative of all South Africans, before it became a reality.  Should it be denied, a countrywide strike would be staged.  This did take place in May 1961 but was effectively squashed by the government.  The ANC then decided to continue its protest by means of violence and for this reason MK (Spear of the Nation) was established.  On 16 December 1961 the ANC issued a manifest, displayed mostly on posts in the black areas, in which it detailed its strategy for violence against government institutions by means of sabotage.  On the same day the country was rocked by sabotage attacks, which escalated progressively in the years to come.  During 1963 pamphlets were even distributed amongst Whites.  Most of the early acts of sabotage were planned and coordinated from Ronnie Kasrils’ flat in Johannesburg with Nelson Mandela and Joe Slovo actively involved.
Initially the South African Police were unaware of the existence of MK but in due course they determined that this organisation was responsible for the sabotage attacks.  Although they managed to arrest many of the insurgents who had received military training outside South Africa, often as soon as they re-entered the country, they were in the dark as to who the leaders were.  Meanwhile the ANC became more arrogant and started with revolutionary broadcasts on Radio Freedom from mid-1963.  The situation changed overnight when an informant supplied theJohannesburg Security Police with details of the whereabouts of the MK leaders.  On 11 July 1963 in broad daylight, 15 policemen commanded by a Lt van Wyk raided Liliesleaf, the 28ha farm of Arthur Goldreich in Rivonia, 16km north of Johannesburg, and rounded up the surprised bunch of communists consisting of eight Jews, four blacks and one Indian.  Since Mandela was already in jail, Goldreich had taken over as the main conspirator.  With him and his wife Hazel, the listed communist Lionel Bernstein, adv Bob Hepple, Dennis Goldberg, attorney James Kantor and his brother-in-law and partner Harold Wolpe, dr Fernstein, Govan Mbeki, Walter Sisulu, Raymond Mhlaba and Ahmed Kathrada were arrested.  Goldreich, Wolpe and Hepple managed to skip the country.  The SACP moved its underground headquarters from Lilliesleaf to London.
Thanks to more information gained the police were able to swoop on another farm, Travallyn, 14km from Lilliesleaf, a few weeks later.  This turned out to be not only a second hideaway but an arms factory as well.  A third hide-out was uncovered in Mountain View, Pretoria.
These raids rendered many incriminating documents, the most important being the one which described Operation Mayibuye (“come back”) in detail  –  the master plan for subverting the South African government.  The documents revealed ample evidence that Mandela was the chief conspirator.  Some of Mandela’s diaries were found, containing evidence of his subversive activities, his involvement with sabotage, his visits to and discussions with African leaders, his participation in meetings of the Organisation of African Unity in Addis Abeba and his speech imploring these states to become involved in his struggle against White rule in South Africa.  In addition a large collection of equipment to be used in the launching of Operation Mayibuye.
The accused first appeared in court on 9 October 1963 and again on 29 October and 25 November, but due to legal technicalities the case only started in earnest on 3 December 1963.  The accused were Mandela, Sisulu, Goldberg, Mbeki, Bernstein, Hepple, Mhlaba, Kantor, Elias Motsoaledi and Andrew Mlangeni.  To save his own skin Hepple turned state witness but escaped overseas before the session on 3 December, after he and his family received all sorts of threats.  Vernon Ezra, Julius First (brother of Slovo’s first wife Ruth), Kasrils, Slovo, Oliver Tambo (first president of the ANC) and Strachan also fled the country before they could be accused.
The accused faced charges of sabotage, including deeds of sabotage, committing of illegal deeds, canvassing persons for training in warfare, manufacture and use of explosives with the aim to commit violence and cause destruction (altogether 153 acts of violence were listed) and conspiracy to engage in guerrilla-warfare with the aid of foreign armies.  Plans included the manufacture of 48 000 land mines and large quantities of hand grenades, pipe, petrol and bottle bombs.   These were to be unscrupulously applied; camouflaged in the most innocent packages like fruit boxes, coffee and jam tins and placed in soft spots like footpaths and entrances to gardens, with the aim to achieve maximum deaths, maiming and destruction.
Dr Percy Yutar appeared for the state, while Justice Quartus de Wet, Justice President of Transvaal presided.  The accused were represented by advocates A (Braam) Fischer, VC Berrange, both listed communists, A Chaskalson, G Bizos and JF Coaker (for Kantor). JJ Joffe was the counselling attorney.  Although the state identified 270 witnesses, it was only necessary to summon 173 of them, since the documentary evidence was so damning and at no stage during the trial did the accused ever challenge the authenticity of the documents seized, nor their revolutionary aims.  Amongst the documents were 10 papers in Mandela’s own handwriting, explaining basic warfare, Chinese guerrilla warfare, Israeli-Philippine underground military operations and how the Witwatersrand locations were to be divided into four groups.  Further divisions into zones were to facilitate the formation of underground cells.
An alarming scheme unfolded itself during the hearing.  Operation Mayibuye was without doubt a master plan for full scale war and it was clear that the designers were experts in revolutionary warfare.   Most probably it originated in some communist country like Russia, Red China, Cuba or Algeria, which already had a history of revolution.  Both Mandela and Goldreich were regular visitors to these countries, where many ANC conscripts were trained in the manufacture and application of destructive instruments.  For example, Goldreich, the author of Operation Mayibuye, was trained in explosive techniques in Russia, China and Germany, and several other of his accomplices received training in the use of various weapons, map and compass reading, radio communication, signalling and the setting of ambushes.
In the detailed strategy all relevant matters such as logistic planning and transport were fully dealt with.  The attacks would take place mainly in the platteland and to this end the country was divided into four regions.  Each region would be invaded by a guerrilla force which had to be self supportive for about a month.  On arrival they were to split up into three smaller groups of 10 men each and then, by deception and intimidation, influence the locals to join them.  It also came to light that the ANC grossly deceived their ordinary members as later directives were issued directly from the SACP.  Mandela also stated in one of his papers that South Africa under communist rule would be a land of milk and honey.
While the local cadres carried on with their undermining activities an external force of 7 000 strong would be equipped and on standby to invade the country.  An interim  government were to be appointed, which could rely on the support of international labour unions to isolate the Republic.  The supreme command of Operation Mayibuye (Mandela, Slovo and Joe Modise) were convinced that if the plan could be finalised successfully  within six months, a wave of murder and grand scale carnage would follow, which would eventually lead to the achievement of their aim.
Organisations which cooperated in the planning of this diabolical scheme formed part of the Congress Alliance and included the ANC, SACP, SA Congress of Trade Unions, the Coloured People’s Congress and the Congress of Democrats.
Most witnesses refused to testify under oath, thus avoiding cross examination.  Mandela, as accused number one, had a typed speech of 60 pages, which was distributed beforehand through leftist channels in order to rouse sympathy for the accused, and which he dramatically recited at conclusion of the court proceedings.
During an interview in 1990 it was revealed that the “I am prepared to die” speech was not written by himself, but that all the accused and most probably their legal representatives had a hand in it, and that Anthony Sampson, former editor of Drum magazine and good friend of archbishop Trevor Huddleston, at the request of Braam Fischer, was responsible for the final editing.
On 4 March 1964 the state closed its case and the court went into recession for a month to give the defence time to prepare their case.  On 11 June 1964, exactly 11 months after the raid on Lilliesleaf, justice De Wet delivered his verdict in three minutes flat.  The final version given later comprised 72 pages.  Only Bernstein was found not guilty but he was arrested again as he left the court, on charges under the Suppression of Communism Act.  Even the editor of the Rand Daily Mail, fierce opponent of apartheid, had to agree that “the sentences pronounced by Mr Justice de Wet yesterday at the conclusion of the Rivonia trial were both wise and just”.
This did not conclude the police investigation.  Within a month after the case they closed in on more than 100 homes and arrested another 40 persons, 30 of them Whites.
Although this was a classic case of high treason and punishable under the law of the day by death, the whole world was surprised when dr Yutar announced at the start of the trial that the state had decided to lay charges of sabotage only.  To this day it is not known why – no one has ever offered an explanation for this decision.  Justice De Wet also stated that although the accused were guilty of high treason he could only pass sentence on the charge of conspiracy, the maximum for which was life imprisonment.
The verdict set in motion a world-wide vitriolic reaction and even the UN insisted that the accused should be indemnified because they were only opposing apartheid, yet Amnesty International declared that Mandela could not claim to be a political prisoner, since he was guilty of sabotage and violence.  The South African government did not yield to any pressure and dr HF Verwoerd severely criticised the world for their double standards, using several examples to prove his stance.  He made this prophetic statement:  “When they say they are glad Mandela was not sentenced to death and he may still, like Kenyatta [the Mau-Mau leader of Kenya] become the leader in the future – then I say: God forbid.”

Church street bomb carnage - Nelson Mandela created the terrorist group called "Mkhonto we sizwe" (MK for short). MK murdered far more black people than white, and far more civilians than police or military, as in the Church street bomb shown above.




Mandela and Communism
One of the documents, in his own handwriting, handed in as evidence in trial was titled How to be a Good Communist, in which he states categorically that the transition from capitalism to socialism could not be brought about by the slow methods proposed by the liberals, but only by revolution.  He further maintains that studying the Marxist philosophy is necessary to get firmer control over revolutionary mass action (struggle) and continues:  “The Communist movement still faces powerful enemies which must be completely crushed and wiped from the face of the earth before a Communist world can be realised.”  This view was later endorsed by every local communist.
 However, not all ANC’s were impressed with Mandela’s communist sympathies. The Anti-Marxists amongst them were “infuriated at the manner in which Mandela and other ANC leaders have allowed the former Black nationalist movement to be hijacked by the SACP”.  How right they were was confirmed in an article by Angela Davis, Communist party leader in the USA, published December 1991 in the official organ of the American Communist Party.  She quotes Brian Dunning, a veteran member of the SACP, who reveals that every member of the SACP is also a member of the ANC.

Equally the ambitious young ANC leader and Secretary General of the National Union of Mineworkers, Cyril Ramaphosa, was at loggerheads with Walter Sisulu, in this case, over the future leadership of the ANC.  At the Lusaka council held in January 1990 he openly declared that many others continued the struggle while Mandela was imprisoned and “Mr Mandela should not expect to vault over the heads of those who have carried on the struggle”.  This explains why Ramaphosa was side-tracked by both Mandela and Mbeki, and thus never considered for the ANC presidency.
Mandela never made any secret of the close ties between the ANC and the SACP.  In his first speech after his release in 1990 he referred to his friend and brother-in-arms, Joe Slovo, as “one of our finest patriots”.   Apart from his co-conspirators at Rivonia and co-prisoners on Robben Island his preference for communists clearly showed in his cabinet and other appointments after 10 May 1994.  Steve Tshwete, Joel Netshitendze, Sidney Mufamadi, Valli Moosa, Trevor Manuel, Alfred Nzo, Cheril Carolus, John Nkadimeng and Tito Mboweni were all communists, according to Aida Parker Newsletter.  Chris Hani declared that Mandela never took decisions on his own but always first consulted with his confidants, thus making sure that he had the support of most of his comrades.  Hani puts it this way in the International Express, 4-10 February 1993: “However much the West may admire and fete him as a brave individual, Mandela has debts to pay and forces to placate”.

Mandela has never Denounced Violence
Mandela pretends to be a proponent of peace who bears no thoughts of vengeance towards his opponents, but the realities belies this image.  Apart from the communists and Afrikaner-haters which, thanks to his efforts, have been placed in prominent positions, his promotion of Peter Mokaba (of Kill the Farmer, Kill te Boer fame) to deputy minister speaks unquestionably of his hatred for the Afrikaner.  Equally, the appointment of the so-called Truth and Reconciliation Commission, loaded with opponents of the previous government, reflects his attitude towards the Afrikaner people.  No truth and no reconciliation ensued from this circus chaired by Desmond Tutu and its sole purpose was to humiliate the Afrikaner.
It is clear that his “peace” comes from the barrel of an AK47.  Aida Parker says that “compassion or feeling for the human condition have seldom if ever played any role in his actions”.  As early as 1961 Mandela declared: “I and some colleagues came to the conclusion that as violence in this country was inevitable, it would be wrong and unrealistic for African leaders to continue preaching peace and non-violence at a time when the government met our peaceful demands with force.”  This statement about government action is also not true.  Should terrorists, saboteurs and subverters be treated with kid gloves?  The government acted in accordance with the barbarous realities it was confronted with.  Any other government would have done the same.
Many similar statements by Mandela brought millions of young blacks under the impression that the ANC/SACP ideal would be achieved by violence only.  In order to mobilise them Mandela himself told them that if they wanted weapons, they must join MK.  This recommendation of violence was a free pass to anarchy, and Mandela should take full blame for the violence which erupted over South Africa, and persists to this day.  The extent of the carnage is illustrated by these statistics for the five years September 1984 to August 1989: 1 770 schools, 7 187 homes of black owners suspected to be non-members of the ANC, 10 318 buses, 152 trains, 12 188 private vehicles,1 256 shops and factories, 60 post offices, 47 churches and 30 clinics were destroyed.  During the same period, 300 blacks were murdered, mostly by the barbarous “necklace” method.  The killing and mayhem has never stopped and latest statistics show that 56 persons per day are being murdered in South Africa, not to mention the rapes, armed and transito robberies, hijackings and house breaking.  Two million crimes are being committed annually of which less than half are ever solved, because the police are incompetent and themselves corrupt.
That crime is rife was acknowledged as early as 2001 by the then Commissioner of Police, Jackie Selebi. A newspaper reported at the time that he admitted that 600 crime syndicates are active in South Africa.  Since then regular reports informed us that the Russian and Sicilian Mafia, as well as drug lords from Nigeria and elsewhere are thriving in South Africa, and that this country has indeed become the crime Mecca of the world.  That is the wonderful heritage of Mandela and the ANC/SACP. Meanwhile the poor, black and white, are poorer than ever before while a few elitist blacks are getting stinking rich.
After it became known that Mandela was to receive the Nobel prize for peace, the ANC published a statement to the effect that Mandela has always liberally supported the armed wing of the ANC financially, it is likely that he would donate a sizable portion of his R3,1 million to MK.  That is the man who, according to the international media, is an ardent promoter of peace!

This child was an ANC landmine victim. Smuggling in thousands of landmines was one of the charges which landed Mandela in prison.
The National Party (NP) and Mandela
On 2 February 1990 FW de Klerk delivered his now notorious Red Friday speech in which he announced that Mandela would be released, despite the continuing violence in the country.  Interesting to note that while so many tears are being shed about Mandela’s 27 wasted years in jail, Aida Parker reports that John Vorster suggested, as early as 1976, that he could be released if he would settle in the Transkei with his brother-in-law Kaiser Matanzima.  Mandela refused the offer – he thought it would be an acceptance of the NP’s homeland policy.  Aida Parker also reveals that, shortly after that the Marxist MPLA offered to exchange a Major of the South African Forces, who had been captured in Cabinda, for Mandela’s release.  Mandela also refused that.
In March 1982 he was transferred to Pollsmoor prison in Cape Town.  In 1984 there were serious discussions within the NP to release him, but the revolutionary climate that had moved in over South Africa did not allow it.  It appears that Mandela knew all about these discussions and that encouraged him to take the initiative to write a letter to Kobie Coetzee, Minister of Justice.  Thereafter he was transferred to a single cell and discussions between him and Coetzee started in 1986.  It is reported that the government went as far as to secretly move him to the luxurious three bedroomed house, until then occupied by the Chief of Pollsmoor prison, and provide him with all the necessary facilities to communicate with the ANC’s in exile.  Even a chef was appointed to cook to his desire.  During December 1988 he was transferred to the Victor Verster prison, near the Paarl.  Chris Hani, a hardened communist and commander of MK who, like Mao Tse Tsung, believed that power comes from the barrel of a gun, revealed during the years immediately prior to the De Klerk capitulation that he had free access to Mandela and needed only to pick up the phone to make an appointment when he felt like it.
PW Botha was also eager to free Mandela and invited him to Tuynhuis for discussions on 5 July 1989.  Botha was willing to release him the moment he denounced violence.  Although Mandela indicated that he would like to contribute towards the creation of a climate of peace, it is doubtful whether he is to be believed, as this would not have fitted his revolutionary character and future plans.  It would also have been a repudiation of the ANC’s violence option which led to the founding of MK.  Mandela  never denounced violence, yet De Klerk released him on 11 February 1990, and at the same time un-banned organisations like the ANC and SACP.
During a visit to the USA, on invitation of the CP of that country, Hani predicted that South Africa will get a communist government.  It is unthinkable that the SA government did not take notice.  Yet it appears that De Klerk was so eager to negotiate with this terrorist organisation that he did not want the Whites be informed about the true nature of the ANC or similar statements by Hani and other radicals in the ANC/SACP.   Thus the NP did everything in its power to present a moderate image of the ANC to the electorate.    Even the Intelligence Service received orders not to investigate or expose any ANC activities which would impair this image.  When the Aida Parker Newsletter wanted to publish the horrid details of the ANC’s hell camps, they tried to prevent it, fortunately without success.  Naturally the NP also hushed the details of the revolutionary plans foreseen by Operation Mayibuye that came to light in the Rivonia trial; the fewer people that knew about it, the better.
We are still enjoying the results of this surrender politics.  Not only has the country been destroyed and transformed from a first world country to a third world dump, but the process is unabated.  It now appears as if the reigning anarchy caused by strikes and violent protests against poor service levels (mostly by people who do not even pay for those services!) is but a smoke screen, and in fact is purposefully directing us towards the start of the second revolution, as planned by the ANC/SACP.  As Dr Verwoerd said: God forbid.
Even foreign observers have pointed out that the ANC regime is corrupt and incompetent.  Shortly after the ANC takeover, British historian Paul Johnson expressed the view in The Spectator of February 1995: “South Africa is a country afflicted by crime and corruption, with tumbling standards and a population doomed to a poverty stricken and carnal existence”.  Under a socialist-communist regime Mandela’s promise of a land of milk and honey has come to nought!  How can such a terrorist be regarded as a hero?
Conclusion
Not only has the deterioration on all levels escalated since 1994, but 30 000 Whites have been murdered, often in the most ghastly manner.  The policy of “affirmative action” is the most inhumane discrimination against Whites.  The fact that so many Afrikaners have lost their jobs, and by law cannot find new employment, has caused untold misery, while black millionaires increase annually.  It is estimated that 10% of Afrikaners have been reduced to beggary in squatter camps, with all the social and other evils ensuing from that.  All the result of the De Klerk treason which put Mandela into power.
It is ironic that people should clamour to declare 18 July as international Mandela-day, almost as ironic as awarding the Nobel Peace prize to Mandela and De Klerk.  Now one understands why God revealed in the Bible that there will be  difficult  times ahead for the Christian, times in which men would rather “not endure sound doctrine;  but after their own lusts shall they heap to themselves teachers, having itching ears; and they shall turn away their ears from the truth, and shall be turned unto fable”, when wrong will be right and the lie will be the truth.
Dr Pieter Möller (July 2009).
English translation by Hennie Kasselman

Thursday 31 March 2011

Die Halwe Kring - NP van Wyk Louw

Miskien ook sal ons sterwe en iewers ruggelings stort, dat hierdie helder aarde in ons verdonker word.

Miskien sal niemand later mooi dinge van ons weet, en nêrens sin te kry wees in al ons stryd en leed.

Sal elkeen as hy magtloos naby die sterwe lê, net hierdie eensaam wete uiteindelik nog hê.

Dat ons nie kon gebuig word soos hul geweld dit wou, en dat ons vry kon lewe...

Net aan ons bloed getrou!

Thursday 1 July 2010

Generaals de Wet en de la Rey is nie kwotaspelers nie

Met die wêreldbeker sokker wat tans in SA gespeel word, is dit duidelik dat die ANC  hul beeld wil poets vir die buiteland.  So byvoorbeeld, het hulle hul massas ondersteuners opdrag gegee om hulle te gedra wanneer die buitelandse besoekers in Suid-Afrika is.  

Hulle het selfs so ver gegaan om die uitvoerende hoof van die ANC-vryheidspark,  Wally Serote, opdrag te gee om ‘n foto van generaal de Wet in hul heldesaal te hang.  Daar is selfs nou sprake dat hulle dieselfde met ‘n foto van generaal de la Rey gaan doen.

In die verlede is die ANC-vryheidspark uitsluitlik gebruik om ANC kaders te vereer.  In 2006 was daar groot polemiek, juis omdat die ANC-beheerde vryheidspark besluit het om nie die name van SAW-lede wat op grens gesneuwel het, in te sluit by die name van die destydse terroriste wat in dieselfde oorlog gesneuwel het nie.  Selfs nou het die uitvoerende hoof te kenne gegee dat hulle nie die name van die SAW-lede gaan byvoeg nie.  Hulle verweer is, dat die SAW-lede nie vir vryheid geveg het nie en mens kan aanneem dat hulle daarmee bedoel dat hulle vir onderdrukking geveg het.

Sedert die ontstaan van die ANC-vryheidspark is die enigste “Afrikaners” wie se name mens daar sou vind, die van verloopte “Afrikaners” soos Bram Fischer en ander prominente kommuniste.  Om nou te midde van die sokker met ‘n gepoetste beeld van ‘n reënboognasie wat nie werk nie, volksmanne soos de Wet en de la Rey in te span as kwotaspelers in hierdie nasiebou klugspel, is lasterlik en onaanvaarbaar.

Dit sou beter wees, as die ANC dan so graag “Afrikaners” daarby wou insluit, dat hulle kaders soos FW de Klerk, Roelf Meyer en die voetwassende Adriaan Vlok gebruik het.  Dit is egter duidelik dat selfs die ANC vir hierdie sikofante geen respek het nie.

Die Verkennersbeweging van Suid-Afrika eis dat die foto’s van hierdie Christelike volkshelde, de Wet en de la Rey, verwyder word van hierdie voorvadergees tempel.  Geen Christen kan tog vereer word in ‘n Godslasterlike plek soos die ANC se vryheidspark nie.
 
Die uwe

Ben Geldenhuys
President
Verkennersbeweging van Suid-Afrika

Saturday 26 June 2010

Open Letter to Fifa President, Mr Joseph S. (Sepp) Blatter

The President
Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA)
FIFA-Strasse 20
PO Box 8044
Zurich
Switzerland

FIFA’s MORAL BANKRUPTCY

Whilst football fever is running high in South Africa and the rest of the world as the first matches of the 2010 Soccer World Cup are being played, there is a big dark cloud forming on the horizon for the host nation of this magnificent and spectacular event.

With its notorious crime and already well-known racially prejudiced policies of Affirmative Action and Black Economic Empowerment, the ANC’s New South Africa is starting to loose its varnish as more and more people are starting to notice the true colours of South Africa’s Rainbow, that is, except for organised sport of course.

You see, Mr Blatter, whilst FIFA secretary general Jeromy Valcke was happy to declare that FIFA has managed (through the use of its draconian regulations, bylaws and brand police) to increase its income by 50 percent since the 2006 World Cup in Germany, reports of South Africa’s overspending in order to host the event, as well as rumours of planned xenophobic attacks and Zimbabwe-style land grabs immediately after the World Cup, have started doing the rounds in South Africa’s press.

When this is viewed against the backdrop of ANC’s Youth League president Julius Malema’s recent calls to “shoot the Boer”, Mr Eugene Terre’Blanche’s subsequent murder and Genocide Watch’s recent decision to raise South Africa’s genocide threat level to level 5 out of a possible 8 stages of genocide (listing Boers and refugees as the potential victims of black racists), you must acknowledge that there is good reason to be concerned about what the future holds for us ordinary South Africans.

When the abovementioned is borne in mind, you must surely recognize why the Boer people deem it necessary for you to explain how FIFA justifies playing World Cup matches at a stadium named after someone like Peter Mokaba – the person who actually coined phrases like “Kill the Boer; kill the farmer“ and “One Boer one bullet”? How do you justify singing the praises of this racist by declaring on your website: “Peter Mokaba was born and bred in Polokwane and was renowned for his fighting spirit and for his inspirational leadership.” Considering FIFA’s insistence that Coca Cola Park be called Ellis Park for the duration of the World Cup, why would you believe the naming of Peter Mokaba Stadium is but a local issue?

With ticket sales, sponsorships and media rights as its only targets, FIFA seems oblivious to all those factors that are worrying to so many ordinary South Africans and other sports fans – insofar as it would seem that FIFA reached an agreement with the ANC government that a moratorium be placed on any form of peaceful protest anywhere in South Africa for the duration of the World Cup, thereby blocking a planned peaceful protest in Potchefstroom (where no World Cup games are played) against the slaughter of yet another Boer.

Whilst FIFA can be commended for its attempts and precautions to ensure a successful and safe World Cup for tourists and players alike, the more elusive question is: If the bulk of the SAP’s resources (funded by South African taxpayers) are used to keep tourists and sporting events safe, who is going to police the rural areas and keep the average South African citizen safe?

Per a Security Brief in our possession, issued by Major Mick Boyle of the British Peace Support Team (South Africa) “the SAPS will be concentrating on the areas most frequented by visitors/tourists. These will be at the Football stadiums, the Fanparks, ORT airport, hotels in the cities and the routes to the stadiums. This leaves the criminals to have a free run at the suburbs! The criminals are fully aware of this too. They understand that the reaction time for SAPS to get to an incident will be long - if they come at all.”

The above was further illustrated when we witnessed how SAPS task teams rushed onto the tarmac at the respective international airports to escort the various football teams to their hotels; recently we also saw how the SAPS managed to track down and a special “FIFA court” convict 2 Zimbabwean robbers in less than a week – all this when ordinary citizens are told by the SAPS that there is not sufficient petrol in the vehicles to come out to a crime scene.

In another instance a patient needing surgery was told that her scheduled operation could not go ahead as beds had to be kept open, “in case of an emergency” during the World Cup.

With FIFA and its brand police gaining notoriety for its pirate-like behaviour when it comes to the “protection” of its marketing interests against small businesses like the pub-owner who dared to advertise that he would be screening “World Cup” games, or the African flee-market entrepreneur who dared to make and sell “South Africa”, “World Cup” or “2010” curios, it shouldn’t come as a surprise that FIFA, its sponsors and the self-serving ANC-government make such good bed fellows when ensuring that this would be a “successful” World Cup. Successful for whom? The South African public at large, or FIFA?

And should it be the Boer’s fate that once more we become the victims of full-scale genocide or attempted genocide, let the record show that FIFA and all its sponsors have been warned about the effects of their dispassion for the sake of the proverbial 30 pieces of silver.

The Jack Hindon Scouts consequently support the campaign, calling for all those concerned for the well-being of the Boer people and other vulnerable South African minorities, to join the facebook group “Fifa 2010: A celebration of Genocide”.



Ben Earle
Chairman: Jack Hindon Scouts

Thursday 17 June 2010

Steun vir onafhanklikheid van die Afrikanervolk

‘n Jeugkonferensie wat gehou is op 16 Junie 2010, wat gereël is deur Afriforumjeug en waarna ongeveer 27 jeugorganisasies genooi was, is ook deur die Verkennersjeug bygewoon. Tydens hierdie konferensie het die Verkennersjeug ‘n voorlegging gemaak waarin die Afrikanervolk se onafhanklikheidseis baie duidelik uitgespel is. Ook het die Verkenners die Volksmoord wat tans teen die Afrikaner gepleeg word, ten sterkste veroordeel en die ander organisasies genooi om ook die Volksmoord amptelik te veroordeel. Na aanleiding van ‘n vraag uit die gehoor het die verteenwoordiger van die Verkenners verduidelik dat die Volksmoord wat teen die Afrikaner gepleeg word, reeds amptelik deur die internasionale gemeenskap erken word en nie bloot iets is wat die Verkenners uitgedink het nie. Daar word met afwagting uitgesien na die veroordeling van die Volksmoord op die Afrikaner deur die jeugorganisasies van Suid-Afrika.

Aan die einde van die konferensie is daar ook die vraag aan die gehoor gestel, of hulle teen die onafhanklikheid van die Afrikanervolk is. By wyse van hand-opsteek het die organisasies wat teen die onafhanklikheidseis van die Afrikanervolk is, hulle afkeer te kenne gegee. Dit was insiggewend om te sien dat dit slegs die DA en ACDP was wat gekant is teen die onafhanklikheidseis van die Afrikanervolk en die Voortrekkerbeweging wat besluit het om buite stemming te bly. Selfs meer insiggewend is die feit dat die talle swart organisasies glad nie gekant is teen die onafhanklikheid van die Afrikanervolk nie.

Ben Geldenhuys
President
Verkennersbeweging van Suid-Afrika

Voorlegging deur die Verkennersbeweging : Afriforum Jeugkonferensie - 16 Junie 2010



  1. Die Afrikaner as volk bestaan as ‘n volk op sy eie en het die reg om as sulks te bestaan. 
  2. Weens die aard, wese en herkoms van die Afrikanervolk het ons wel ‘n Europese herkoms waarop ons baie trots is, maar het ons in Suid-Afrika ontstaan en het dus die reg om op die bodem van Suid-Afrika voort te bestaan. 
  3. Ons sal, indien dit God sou behaag, ook in die toekoms as ‘n volk op ons eie voortbestaan binne die Afrika konteks. 
  4. Ons as volk is nie afhanklik van mense se ondersteuning of hulle wilsbeskikking om te wees en te bestaan nie. Uit die Bybel leer ons dat daardie reg deur ons Here gegee en geneem word. 
  5. Ons wil as volk ons eie taal, kultuur, Godsdiens, aard en wese handhaaf, ook vir ons nageslag. 
  6. Die vryheidstrewe van ons voorvaders eer ons en brand daardie selfde strewe net so warm in ons en ons kinders se harte as in ons voorvaders s’n. 
  7. Die Afrikaner is nie foutloos nie. Ons het verseker baie foute in die verlede gemaak en kan ook in die toekoms nog heelwat foute maak. Dit is menslik en ons sal nog arrogant nog kruiperig hieroor wees. Ons dien egter ons God, ons volk en ons strewes na die beste van ons vermoëns en wil dit doen tot voordeel van die land wat ons bewoon asook andere volkere rondom ons. 
  8. Ons is baie lief vir en trots op ons eie volk met al sy sterk punte, swak punte, suksesse, foute en gebreke. 
  9. Ons handhaaf ons eie, maar wil terselfdertyd geen ander s’n ontneem of ontsê nie. 
  10. Die Afrikanervolk erken die bestaan van ander volkere naas homself. Ons haat geen ander volk nie en ons minag geeneen van hulle nie. Ons haat en verwerp wel enige stappe, aksies of optrede van enige indiwidu, groepering of volk wat daarop gemik is om ons as Afrikaners se bestaan en identiteit te ontken of ons voortbestaan te vernietig of wat ons brandende strewe na selfbeskikking teewerk. 
  11. Ons eis niks vir onsself, wat ons nie ook enige ander volk gun nie. 
  12. Ons wil oor geen volk heers nie en sal nie verduur dat enige ander volk oor ons heers nie. 
  13. Ons sal na die beste van ons vermoë bydra tot die welsyn van elke ander volk wat naas ons s’n wil bestaan. 
  14. Ons reg om oor onsself te regeer, is ‘n reg wat vervat is in die Volkereg, beginsels van natuurlike geregtigheid en VN se handves van menseregte. Ook SA is ‘n ondertekenaar van hierdie handves. 
  15. Ons betreur en verwerp enige aksies of dade wat enige volk se reg op selfbeskikking en voortbestaan ontneem. Enige dade wat daarop gemik is om dit ons te ontneem sal, as dit God so behaag, misluk, bloot omdat die Afrikaner is wat hy is. Enige pogings hiertoe sal ook te staan kom teen die harde werklikheid van die Afrikaner se wilsgerigtheid. 
  16. Ons veroordeel ten sterkste die volksmoord wat tans teen die Afrikaner gepleeg word en daag al die organisasies teenwoordig uit om dit nie net te veroordeel nie, maar om dit skriftelik te veroordeel. Persone wat hierdie erkende volksmoord nie veroordeel nie, is self skuldig aan hierdie volksmoord volgens Genocide Watch. 
  17. Ons definieer onsself nie as “teen” of “anti” enige persoon of volk nie. Ons definieer onsself wel onomwonde as “vir” en “pro” Afrikanerskap en die Afrikanervolk. 
  18. Vreedsame NAAS…bestaan is onses insiens verseker moontlik indien elkeen van die volke wat naas mekaar bestaan se individualisme en eiesoortigheid erken word, daardie volk homself kan regeer en optimaal kan verwesenlik op die manier en binne die raamwerk wat sy eie geloofsoortuigings, kultuur, taal en herkoms bepaal. Ons verstaan die term “Naasbestaan” (en word dit as sulks in die HAT omskryf) as synde “Bestaan naas ‘n ander [volk]” en verstaan onder die term “naas” (en word dit insgelyks as sulks in die HAT omskryf) as “digby, grensend aan, langs”. 
  19. Nie een van hierdie terme kan of behoort verwar te word met vermenging, ineensmelting, assimilasie, integrasie of samepersing nie. 
  20. Aangesien ons as Verkenners “vir” die Afrikaner is, eerder as “teen”, is al ons aksies en dade ook geskoei op volksbou en volksbehoud. (NIE NASIEBOU NIE).
  21. Ons sal gesels met enige persoon of volk wat hierdie strewe erken en/of deel en sal rondom hierdie duidelike beginsels na vreedsame naasbestaan met enige ander volk werk. Teenoor diesulkes reik ons die hand van vriendskap uit, omdat hulle ons aanvaar vir wie en wat ons is. 
  22. Daar moet egter geen onduidelikheid by enige iemand bestaan oor die diepte van ons strewe na selfbeskikking nie. Dit is integraal deel van ons wese. Solank enige Afrikaner leef, sal die inherente wese van daardie strewe dus voortleef.

Aldus geteken en voorgehou te Pretoria op hede die 16de dag van Junie 2010.

Rian Genis

Sunday 9 May 2010

GENOCIDE UNFOLDING IN SOUTH AFRICA


Westminster, United Kingdom

On Saturday morning, 8 May 2010, around 20 Afrikaners, referring to themselves as “Boere”, conducted a “silent protest” in Parliament Square against what is known in South Africa as “Plaasmoorde” – Farm Murders.

With their mouths taped and without chanting any of the slogans on their placards ranging from “More than 3,000 farmers murdered since 1994” and “Families butchered everyday” to “No farmers, no food” and “Boer genocide = African famine” they symbolised the silence of the world press when it comes to the reporting of these killings. Apart from two high profile murders that enticed a couple of media reports for a week or two, these murders have gone largely unnoticed.
When asked what the aim of the protest was, the organiser of the event, Wynand Krüger, replied: “Whilst we acknowledge that South Africa’s rampant crime leaves every citizen and tourist very vulnerable, we wanted to emphasise the ethnic nature of what we consider to be targeted attacks in order to scare and intimidate white farmers off their land. Do you realize that Genocide Watch recently raised South Africa’s threat level to Stage 5 out of the 8 possible stages of Genocide, referring to Boers and refugees as the potential victims? That is why we also chose to display Boer flags here today; we consider “plaasmoorde” to constitute a process of ethnic cleansing that echoes the concentration camps of the Anglo Boer War. No-one believed it then and no-one is believing it now. Our people need, and would be very thankful for, another Emily Hobhouse, hence the protest here in Parliament Square.”

One protester also commented that the ANC-dominated government’s failure to adequately address farm murders, as well as its racially prejudiced policies towards ethnic minorities since Nelson Mandela stepped down, left her feeling marginalised and unable to identify with the new South Africa, its flag and the idea of a Rainbow Nation any longer. “The ANC preaches one thing, but practises another”, she said.
Another protestor wanted to know why Mr Mandela was so quiet on the farm murder issue, especially since the ANC defended Julius Malema’s singing of the song “Kill the Boer”. “Mr Mandela won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1993, where is he now? Last year he shared a stage with now president Zuma, thereby endorsing Zuma and the ANC during the previous election!”

The frightening statistics of more than 3,000 farmers being murdered in more than 10,000 attacks since 1994, the ANC’s failure to discipline Julius Malema for his hate speech and calling for Zimbabwe-style land grabs, the fact that South Africa can now be mentioned in the same breath as Zimbabwe and Iraq (both listed as at stage 5 by Genocide Watch) when potential genocide is discussed, as well as the knock-on effect of these factors on food production in Sub-Saharan Africa, do send a multitude of shivers up one’s spine. It is therefore unsurprising that there are serious doubts about the prospects for a peaceful future in South Africa.

Despite the protest in Parliament Square being a silent one, those present hoped that the message got across loud and clear.

Ben Earle
Chairman: Jack Hindon Scouts