"Vêrregse" foefie 'n slinkse wyse om die Boer van sy Vryheidspad te ontspoor

Volgens ‘n mediaberig op 7 Mei 2010, koppel die ANC se minister van polisie, Nathi Mthethwa, die sogenaamde “white supremacists”, wat glo bomme in die swart woonbuurtes wou plant om die Wêreld Sokkerbeker te ontwrig aan die Afrikaner se vryheidstrewe na ‘n onafhanklike republiek.  Die minister doen dit deur te verwys na hierdie sogenaamde “white supremacists” as aanhangers van die Volkstaatgedagte.

Mnr Ben Geldenhuys, President van die Verkenners, verklaar in reaksie hierop soos volg : “Hierdie metodiek herinner sterk aan die alombekende kommunistiese metodes waar ‘n revolusie binne ‘n revolusie geskep word om enige weerstand dood te smoor.  Daar word ook ernstig getwyfel aan die geloofwaardigheid van die media berig oor die sogenaamde “vêrregses” wat nou weer ‘bomme wil plant’. Die vaagheid van die berig dra tot die twyfel by.”

Mnr Geldenhuys se verder :”Die minister hoef nie so bedreig te voel oor die ontwaking van die Boere-Afrikaner en sy vryheidseis nie.  Hierdie ontwaking word juis aangehelp as gevolg van die minister en sy regering se onvermoë om wet en orde te handhaaf.“

Die Verkenners doen ‘n beroep op Afrikaners om nie afgeskrik te word deur sulke slinkse wyses om ons Volk van sy Vryheidspad te ontspoor nie.  Dit is juis nou die tyd om meer doelgerig betrokke te raak vir die bereiking van ons Volk se Vryheid!

Ben Geldenhuys

President

Verkenner Beweging van SA

TAU SA'S OPEN LETTER TO PRES ZUMA

The President

Republic of South Africa

The Presidency

Pretoria

Dear Mr. Zuma,

REQUEST FOR CONSTRUCTIVE MEETING ABOUT THE UNDERMENTIONED KEYPOINTS

Every government is subject to two cardinal guidelines:

·         The Constitution of the country

·         The Social Contract which the government guarantees before and during elections.

In exchange, the country’s citizens are dependent upon and accept the integrity of the government of the land. Citizens pay taxes so that effect can be made of the Constitution’s demands, which the government is compelled to undertake. The Social Contract must also be effected by ensuring that citizens live in security and without fear, that proper infrastructure is provided and that educational and medical needs are rendered.

TAU SA has bent over backwards – sometimes in the face of pressure from its members – to encourage productive discussions with the government with regard to problems and perspectives, and TAU SA has tried to do this in a positive and supportive manner with the government. In most cases, promises and undertakings have been made which, over the passage of time, have come to nothing.

At present the situation in the land is extremely charged as a result of tension that has been created – farmers are especially in the proverbial cross hairs and their situation is now untenable. This will automatically place the country’s food security in a serious and hazardous position.

As a result certain matters can no longer be ignored and, for the sake of food security and good neighbourliness, urgent discussions must now take place where clear cut answers must be supplied with regard to the following charges which TAU SA lays before the President of the country, his cabinet and the governing party:

·    There is bad faith, because matters are twisted to suit ideological standpoints, such as the fact that the song “Skiet die Boere, Kill the Boer” doesn’t really mean that the farmers must be shot and killed!

·    Neglecting to take action against those who cause unrest. How long must the country’s head of state wait before his remarks that these inflammatory mischief makers will be charged, bear results? Nothing has been done and this has resulted in even more incitement from the rabble rousers.

·   The unreliability and insensitivity of ministers with whom appointments are made on  important matters and who, at the very last moment, cancel the appointment. Farmers are also busy people with busy schedules, and the impression is given that the farmers’ standpoints are not really very important. Everything else is more important than a meeting with a farmer or an agricultural organization.

·    Broken promises – for example, the commando system was abolished with a promise of a substitute agricultural security structure. Sector policing that was put forward as a replacement, failed, and farmers are still being attacked, murdered, injured and burgled.

·    The exaggerated pursuit of quotas. A survey by Solidarity revealed that in some government departments, the Affirmative Action quotas have actually been exceeded. Does this mean that the land reform quota of handing over 30% of land to black owners until 2014 will also be exceeded?

·    Reckless statements by ministers.

Ø  TAU SA demands that every minister who declares that farm workers are illegally evicted from farms must prove this with facts such as the names of the persons, the dates, the time and the place, and also provide the case number where this illegality has been reported and investigated, and they must give the results of this investigation.

Ø  Any minister who declares that farm workers have been badly treated must also provide the necessary details as mentioned above.

Ø  Any minister who declares that squatter camps exist because farmers have dismissed their workers must provide the necessary statistics about the nationality of the squatters, given that it is well known that because of pathetic border control, these camps are so full of foreigners that even English is not spoken or understood.

·    The waste of public funds on failing or failed projects such as the land reform project where more than 80% have failed, at great cost to the taxpayers. Food security is now at risk.

Ø  With regard to this, TAU SA has had no reply to a very simple question: what is the percentage ground which the government has marked out for land reform – 30% of the total land of South Africa or 30% of agricultural land?

·    TAU SA is on record that the murder of farmers is nothing more than ethnic cleansing. Your silence on this can be seen as an acknowledgement of this fact.

·    The lack of political determination to uphold the integrity of the country’s infrastructure.

Ø  Farmers experience increasing problems in getting their products to market as a result of the terrible state of the country’s roads, while they pay for licences and are burdened with petrol price increases. Farmers receive very little in return for their payments, especially with regard to the maintenance of roads and the most basic of services.

Ø  The collapse of water purification installations has resulted in the pollution of rivers and underground water sources, which makes these sources unusable for farming. Farmers suffer losses, and less food is produced as a result of government neglect in this regard.

·    The government’s neglect to give attention to the security of the country is bordering on the transgression of human rights.

Ø  The commandos have been withdrawn, so farmers are left on their own to defend themselves.

Ø  The citizenry as well as the farmers are intimidated into handing in their firearms while hardened criminals with illegal firearms have made the land unsafe and. in places, ungovernable.

             

Ø  When farmers make application for a new firearm licence, it takes sometimes months to obtain this licence, which means that while waiting for the licence, the farmer is without self protection.

Ø  Farmers who were given the green light to create their own self-protection structures are now becoming targets for prosecution, while they should be regarded as people who are trying to uphold the law as supporters of safety and security.

·    The government is in cahoots with organized trade unions against the farmers via making labour legislation difficult to uphold and, in some cases, making it impossible to sustain. To listen in to Parliament where ridiculous statements such as the farmers are themselves responsible for the lack of safety on farms, and that they steal their own stock, makes one ask: is it possible that this verbal rubbish can come  out of the country’s highest body?

·    The government’s indiscriminate and uncritical support for its alliance partner COSATU’s loud and ungrounded statements about the living standards of farm workers on farms.

·    The government and COSATU’s focus on farm dwellers rather than farm workers. The farmer as an employer has no contract whatsoever with others who stay on the farms whether as sojourners under particular legislation, or as family members, or whatever.   

·    The fact that the agricultural sector is made an exception as the only one in the total economy of South Africa. The land owner is expected to have a 24/7 obligation to his workers, over and above the fact that legislation already obliges the farmer to further and further relinquish his property to fulfill abode legislation with regard to his workers.

THESE MATTERS CAN NO LONGER BE IGNORED.

The farmers of South Africa will do whatever they must do to farm and to provide food for everyone in the country and even in the region. Indeed, they will farm so that you, Mr. President, can enjoy your daily meals. But the above-mentioned matters are making it difficult for the farmer to farm. Indeed, it is becoming impossible. The farmers and the citizens of this land can no longer afford this government.

Their loyalty is being stretched to the limit, and their patience as well. And what TAU SA experiences is indifference from the government, even enmity.

Therefore we request an appointment with you, and all relevant ministers, and we await your reply within 14 days from date of this letter.

Yours sincerely,

Ben Marais,

President

TAU SA

OPE BRIEF AAN DIE “HOOF UITVOERENDE BEAMPTE” VAN DIE VOORTREKKERMONUMENT EN DIE ERFENISSTIGTING, G.N. (GERT) OPPERMAN.

Meneer Opperman,
 
Haatspraak en laster teen my volk deur die buitewêreld, deur Swartes en ook deur sommige Afrikaanssprekendes is niks nuuts nie – dit gebeur eeue reeds. Tot in 1994 was die hoofdoelwit daarmee gewees om my volk só veragtelik te skilder, dat een en almal kon glo ons behoort oor geen duim grond te regeer nie – ook nie oor onsself nie.
 
Daardie doelwit is op 27 April 1994 bereik, toe ons letterlik oornag slawe in ons eie vaderland geword het en elke greintjie seggenskap oor onsself kwyt is – suiwer en alleen omdat ons te min kinders baar om hoegenaamd sinvol aan veelrassige verkiesings te kan deelneem. Ons dra mos nie by tot die oorbevolking van Planeet Aarde nie, maar word terselfdertyd gedwing om in een Staat saam te woon met volksvreemdes wat onbeheers aanteel; sonder om verantwoordelikheid te aanvaar vir die versorging van ‘n krioelende massa kleintjies. Dan word daardie getalle nog aangevul met miljoene wat vanuit hulle Swart paradyse elders in Afrika steeds elke dag hierheen vlug, na die laaste krummels van die Eerste Wêreld-staat wat Apartheid Suid-Afrika eens was.     
 
En in die hordes krotbuurte - gevul met werkloses en leeglêers en die opbrengs van elke dag en nag se rooftogte - kan die Swart massas wat mekaar se moordluste oorleef, elke 5 jaar weer “demokratiese” verkiesingskruisies trek wat die ANC in staat stel om my en my volk vir die volgende 5 jaar wéér te vertrap.
 
DIT is die ABSURDHEID van die huidige sogenaamde “DEMOKRASIE”. Feit is: Haatspraak is nou nie meer nodig om ons van selfregering te stroop nie. Haatspraak teen ons se funksie deesdae is aanstigting tot vergrype en misdaad teen my volk … onder andere, aanstigting tot moord.
 
Want soos Dingaan destyds, skreeu Malema - Jeugleier van die regerende Party - dat die Boere doodgemaak moet word … en die res van die Regering staan bankvas agter hom! Dit beteken niks anders nie as ‘n staats-goedgekeurde voortsetting van Swartes se volksmoord wat teen die Boere-Afrikaner in swang is, nie net op plase nie maar méér nog in dorpe en stede – moorde wat reeds meer slagoffers geëis het as Britse konsentrasiekampe tydens die Anglo-Boereoorlog! ‘n Moord-orgie wat voortwoed veral sedert 1990, toe die Swartes tot hulle eie verstomming begin besef het dat my volk se sogenaamde “leiers” ‘n spul patetiese, lafhartige rugstekers is; al te gereed om die belange van hulle volgelinge te offer solank daar darem op ‘n manier na hulle persoonlike belange omgesien word.
 
Ja, toe die sogenaamde “herders” hulle kleure gewys het, was my volk gereed om soos skape geslag te word – petisielysies en gepleit en gesmeek by die Regering ten spyt!
 
En toe, as sinnebeeld van ‘n nuwe geslag leiers wat hierdie volk besig is om op te lewer, daag die President van die Verkennersbeweging, Mnr. Ben Geldenhuys, vir Malema uit om die weerloses met rus te laat en eerder ‘n Boere-Afrikanerman in die fleur van sy lewe by Fort Schanskop op 19 Maart 2010 te ontmoet … as hý wat Malema is dan ‘n Boer wil vermoor. Ja, skielik het Malema en die wêreld gesien dat daar ook in hierdie dag en tyd steeds MANNE is in hierdie volk; manne wat, soos ‘n Jopie Fourie destyds, bereid is om self die dood in die oë te kyk as dit gaan om die vrye voortbestaan en die erfenis van die Boer.
 
Juis op die “Erfenis-terrein”, soos julle die Voortrekkermonument en Fort Schanskop-gronde noem, wou Ben Geldenhuys vir Malema inwag … die terrein waaroor jy, Meneer Opperman, as besluitnemer optree. (Die “Erfenis” in julle naam, vermoed ‘n mens, verwys na die erfenis van die Boere wat op hulle Oosgrens-plase uitgemoor was; na die erfenis van die oorlewendes wat in die 1830’s met hulle waens uit die Britse Kaapkolonie weg is ter wille van vrye voortbestaan; hulle wie se nasate vandag weer op plase en in stede uitgeroei word? Dan het Ben Geldenhuys mos ‘n uiters gepasde plek vir sy uitdaging aan Malema uitgekies!)
 
As jy, Generaal Opperman, op 19 Maart 2010 die Erfenisterrein vir toeriste en nuuskieriges gesluit het en saam met Ben Geldenhuys en ons ander Verkenners vir Malema gewag het, sou jy agting gewek het onder hierdie volk wat so smag na leiers wat - soos ‘n Generaal De la Rey - die vyand in die voorste linies in die oë kan kyk. Maar toe kasty jy vir Ben Geldenhuys in ‘n brief oor sy sogenaamde “eiegeregtige optrede” en verbied hom toegang tot die volk se “Erfenis”-terrein.
 
(Hoe ironies tog dat die Voortrekkermonument , waar jy vandag besluite neem, opgerig is juis tot gedagtenis van mense wat jare lank as “eiegeregtige onderdane” beskou is deur die Britse Regering, voordat ons onafhanklikheid eers in 1852 met die Sandrivier Konvensie erken is). Jy sien, Meneer Opperman, daar is meer as een soort eiegeregtigheid.
 
Mens kry byvoorbeeld eiegeregtigheid waardeur ‘n publiek wat in jou glo, bedrieg en in die rug gesteek word terwyl jyself agterna in veiligheid en vettigheid verskans is. Soos die tipe eiegeregtigheid waarmee daar op 27 April 1994 ‘n veelrassige, onwenbare verkiesing op ons afgedwing is; gevolg deur ‘n Swart Bewind met ‘n onverbloemde haat vir my volk en kultuur…en dit terwyl daardie noodlotsverkiesing ONWETTIG was omdat dit plaasgevind het ingevolge ‘n Kieswet wat aangeneem was toe Wet 110 van 1983 - die destydse Grondwet van die Republiek van Suid-Afrika en “hoogste Reg” van die land – steeds gegeld het. Artikel 52 van daardie Grondwet het bepaal dat slegs ‘n Blanke, Kleurling of Indiër stemreg kon hê. Dat daardie stuk verfoeilike eiegeregtigheid vir Swartes hulle sogenaamde “freedom” beteken het, is nie vir my ‘n probleem nie. Ek wil nie in een Staat met volksvreemdes woon OF OOR HULLE REGEER NIE – die probleem met 1994 se verfoeilike eiegeregtigheid, is dat dit my volk se internasionaal- erkende reg op selfbeskikking vertrap het.
 
Dan is daar die tipe van eiegeregtigheid as gevolg waarvan ondernemings - met my verarmde volkie se sikspense opgebou tot waardes van miljarde Rande - vandag aan vreemdes behoort (of altans, wat daarvan oorgebly het) – die EVKOMS, YSKORS, die SASOLS van die lewe; Pos- en Telekommunikasie instellings, Spoorweë en Hawens, finansiële instellings soos Volkskas en SANLAM … te veel om op te noem. Ook dít is verfoeilike eiegeregtigheid.
 
Of die tipe van eiegeregtigheid waarmee jy, Meneer Opperman, nogal op die Voortrekkermonument se briefhoof adverteer hoe julle “ondersteun” word uit die opbrengs van Suid-Afrika se dobbelary-afgod, die “National Lottery Distribution Trust Fund”. Het jy en jou Direkteure ooit aan die Voortrekker- nasate (dus aan ons, die volk) inspraak gegee in die siek besluit om sulke afgodsgeld te aanvaar? Praat van eiegeregtigheid! Wat sou ‘n Hendrik Potgieter, ‘n Andries Pretorius, ‘n Sarel Celliers daaroor te sê gehad het?
 
Jou verweer hierop sal seker wees om die volk te beskuldig dat hulle self te laks is om genoeg geld te stort en jy sodoende kastig verplig is om afgodsgeld te aanvaar ter wille van die Monument en “Erfenis”-terrein se instandhouding. Ja, ek kan glo dis nie maklik om miljoene uit die volk te melk nie – verreweg die meeste van hulle is reeds leeg gemelk ter wille van vreemdes! Maar hoekom weet ek van geen byeenkoms wat jy onder die oorblywende welvarendes saamgeroep het om uit te vind of daar nie ‘n ander plan te maak is nie?
 
En as dit werklik nie sou slaag nie (wat ek sterk betwyfel): Sou ‘n verweerde Voortrekkermonument , maar sonder om die God van Bloedrivier verder te vertoorn, nie verkieslik wees bó prag en praal en foutlose fasiliteite nie? Ten minste sou ‘n verweerde Voortrekkermonument die klippe dan kon wees wat saam uitroep - saam ween oor my volk se derduisende wat, net soos by Bloukrans en Weenen in 1838, nog steeds elke dag en nag onverwags deur oormagte oorval en barbaars vermoor word; oor ‘n werklose jeug en werklose gesinshoofde - werkloos omdat hulle Blank is, moedverlore omdat hulle werkloos is; oor ouers van kinders wat naak en honger is; oor ons dogters wat slawe vir Nigeriese seks- en dwelmkartelle is; oor Boere-dogters en bejaarde vroue wat hulleself nie vrywillig aanbied nie en dan deur barbare-bendes verkrag word; oor “Christen-geestelike s” wat die verbreking van die dogter van my volk wil genees deur te verklaar “Vrede! Vrede!” terwyl daar GEEN VREDE IS NIE; oor selfs kerke talle Godsgebooie wat ons Voortrekkers nog eerbiedig het, nou afmaak en minag as “outyds”; oor ons kinders wat Goddeloosheid in staatskole se leerplanne gevoer word en selfs ‘n afgodslied daar moet sing as sogenaamde “volkslied”! (Of dink jy miskien die ANC verwys na God die Vader, Seun en Heilige Gees - die God van Bloedrivier – in hulle “Nkosi Sikelel’ Afrika”?)
 
Ja, ek en my volk is tot die droesem toe moeg, sat van al sulke selfgesentreerde, rugsteker-“eiegeregtigheid”. Maar die “eiegeregtigheid” van Graaff-Reinet en Swellendam in 1795; die “eiegeregtigheid” van die Slachtersnek- martelare; die “eiegeregtigheid” van die Emigrante-Boeren; die “eiegeregtigheid” van die burgers wat Majoeba-kruin gestorm het; die “eiegeregtigheid” van die Kaapse Rebelle in die Tweede Vryheidsoorlog en die Rebelle van 1914; die “eiegeregtigheid” van die Ossewa-Brandwag; “eiegeregtigheid” die afgelope 40 jaar en meer van beswadderde “Regses” soos Ben Geldenhuys – danksy daardie tipe “EIEGEREGTIGES”, wat elke generasie nog opgelewer het TOT DIENS AAN MY VOLK, is hierdie volk nog nie uitgedoof nie. Want geregtigheid was my volk nog nooit deur andere gegun nie – en alte dikwels het ons eie vlees en bloed lustig meegedoen om laksman te speel. Geregtigheid moes ons telkens maar weer verkry op ons eie; ons ou klompie volkstroue “eiegeregtiges” - strompelend en al te dikwels ook belaai met sondeskuld soos alle mense – maar voortgedra deur die genade van die Almagtige God van Bloedrivier. Want hier, anderkant die riviere van Kus, sal Sy aanbidders, Sy verstrooide gemeente Sy offerande bring – en al is ons ook ‘n ellendige en geringe volk, sal ons bly skuiling soek by Sy Naam...
 
Meneer Opperman, ek wil ‘n beroep op jou en jou mede-direkteure doen: Sluit aan by die stroom in hierdie volk wat weer, soos in 1836, weier om onder vreemde heerskappy te buig, weier om die knie voor Baäl te buig. Sluit as direksie aan, soos talle ander organisasies, by die Afrikanerfront en groepeer saam met hulle om Selfbeskikking as die saambindende beginsel. Werk saam, soos die Afrikanerfront- organisasies, met die Volksraad Verkiesingskommissie aan die grootse taak om op 31 Mei 2011 ons eie demokraties- verkose Volksraad ingehuldig te kry, wat ons eis om Selfbeskikking ooreenkomstig die Volkereg gaan afdwing.
En as julle nie tot daardie stappe bereid is nie: Volg die eerbare weg, bedank as Direkteure, en dra daardie rol oor aan die Verkennersbeweging. Ek vra julle dit, nie in selfsugtige eiegeregtigheid nie … maar ter wille van geregtigheid teenoor die vermoordes en seëvierendes van die Groot Trek en geregtigheid teenoor hulle IDEE wat veronderstel is om deur die Voortrekkermonument versinnebeeld te word: die IDEE van Volksvoortbestaan in Vryheid, Onafhanklikheid, en Selfbeskikking danksy die uitredding van God; met Staat en Owerheid wat Hom sal ken en dien in wetgewing, wetsuitvoering en wetstoepassing… net soos alle burgers dit in hulle daaglikse lewe moet doen.
 
Die uwe
Paul Kruger

Geldenhuys waits for Malema shoot-out

ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema has not yet arrived to shoot a "boer" at Fort Schanskop, south of Pretoria, today. 

The national secretary of the Verkenners Beweging (scouts' movement) Ben Geldenhuys was waiting for Malema to come and shoot him, but he had not yet arrived by 12.30pm.

Last week, Geldenhuys challenged Malema to shoot him, after the youth league leader sang "shoot the boer".

Geldenhuys said if Malema was so keen to shoot a boer, "let him come shoot me instead of inciting other people to murder defenceless elderly farmers and women".

"To make it easy for him, I will wait for him at Fort Schanskop at 12 noon on March 19," he said last week.

Geldenhuys told Sapa while waiting for Malema on Friday: "I haven't backed down, I'll be waiting."

ANC spokesman Ishmael Mnisi said Geldenhuys and his organisation must "engage with" Malema and give him an opportunity to express himself.

"This is just a pre-occupation of something unwarranted," he said referring queries to the youth wing for further comment on the matter.

The league's spokesman Floyd Shivambu was not immediately available for comment, although he insisted last week that the song was "blown out of proportion".

He said the song, together with President Jacob Zuma's "Umshini wam", was a commemorative song about the past.

Malema sang "shoot the boere" while addressing students at the University of Johannesburg, sparking outrage among Afrikaners and others, who said he was inciting violence against whites.

Geldenhuys said 3000 farmers, most of them elderly women, had been brutally murdered on their farms since the ANC came to power in 1994.

He said this could not simply be ascribed to crime.

Malema-moorde

Na aanleiding van ‘n televisiedebat tussen onder meer die Verkennersbeweging en die ANC, het die ANC bekend gemaak dat hulle, ten spyte van verdere plaasmoorde wat gevolg het op Malema se opdrag dat Boere geskiet moet word, sing van die liedjie “SKIET DIE BOER” steeds goedkeur en derhalwe aanmoedig. Vanweë die bedreiging van hierdie rassistiese haat wat die ANC teenoor Blankes openbaar, wil die Verkennersbeweging ‘n beroep op FIFA doen om die sokkerwêreldbeker in Suid-Afrika te stop. Dit is duidelik dat die Blankes vir die ANC ‘n teiken geword het om uit te moor en uit te wis. Dit sou gevolglik dus onverskillig wees as blanke toeriste wat na Suid-Afrika kom, nie betyds gewaarsku word dat ook hulle lewens bedreig word en dat hulle ook teikens van die ANC sal wees.

Weens die oorweldigende steun vir die uitdaging wat Ben Geldenhuys van die Verkennersbeweging aan Malema gerig het om hom om 12:00 op Vrydag 19 Maart 2010 te Fort Schanskop te kom skiet, het die Verkennersbeweging besluit om ‘n beroep op Suid-Afrikaners te doen om op 19 Maart 2010 om 12:00 ‘n minuut stilte te handhaaf uit respek vir die talle boere wat reeds sedert 1994 vermoor is.

Die Verkenners sal ook alle plaasmoorde wat na 8 Maart 2010 gepleeg word as “Malema-moorde” beskou. Ons doen derhalwe ‘n beroep op volksgenote om hierdie voorbeeld te volg, want 8 Maart 2010 is immers die datum waarop Malema aan sy ondersteuners opdrag gegee het om boere te skiet, omdat hulle kwansuis verkragters is. Die Verkenners beskou dit as ‘n lae intensiteit oorlogsverklaring teen die Afrikaners in besonder die blankes in die algemeen. Ons doen dus ‘n beroep op Afrikaners en alle ander blankes om paraat te wees teen voortgesette lafhartige moordaanvalle wat op Malema se opdrag gaan volg en dit met sukses af te weer.

Werner Smook

Uitvoerende Beampte

Verkenners Beweging van Suid-Afrika

'Malema, shoot me instead of farmers'

The national secretary of the Verkenners Beweging (scouts' movement), Ben Geldenhuys, has challenged ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema to shoot him instead of innocent farmers, and has even named a place, date and time for the event.

In a statement on Thursday, Geldenhuys said the Verkenners Beweging was "furious" about Malema's singing "shoot the boer".

He said that since the ANC had come to power in 1994, more than 3 000 farmers, mainly elderly and female, had been brutally murdered on their farms.

This could not simply be ascribed to crime.

Malema's utterances were considered by the Verkenners Beweging as incitement to murder farmers and were totally unacceptable.

"If Malema is so keen to shoot a boer, let him come shoot me instead of inciting other people to murder defenceless elderly farmers and women.

"To make it easy for him, I will wait for him at Fort Schanskop at 12 noon on March 19, 2010," Geldenhuys said. - Sapa

Die slag van Amajuba - Sondag, 27 Februarie 1881

Die Slag van Majuba was die laaste van vier militêre botsings tussen Groot-Brittanje en die Boere van Transvaal gedurende die Eerste Vryheidsoorlog (Desember 1880 - Maart 1881. Dit het op 27 Februarie 1881 plaasgevind. Die klinkende en vernederende oorwinning wat die Boere behaal het, het die Britte gedwing om Transvaal weer sy vryheid te gee, nadat dit op 12 April 1877 geannekseer is ('n verbreking van die Sandrivier-konvensie van 1852).

Na die Britse anneksasie van Transvaal het die Boere op 8 Desember 1880 te Paardekraal (wat later Krugersdorp geword het) tydens 'n protesvergadering die onafhanklikheid van Transvaal uitgeroep. Dit was die begin van die Eerste Vryheidoorlog. Die Boere het al die Britse garnisoene onder beleg geplaas en die eerste militêre botsing by Bronkhorstspruit oortuigend gewen.

Generaal-majoor Sir George Pomeroy Colley was die opperbevelvoerder van die Britse magte in Suid-Afrika, asook die goewerneur van Natal en Hoë Kommissaris oor die Britse Kolonies in Suidelike Afrika, 'n briljante man met 'n uitstekende militêre rekord en voormalige professor aan die Sandhurst Militêre Akademie in Engeland. Hy het 'n opmars van Natal na Pretoria begin om die garnisoene te ontset. Hy het met 1200 troepe kamp opgeslaan op die plaas Mount Prospect, suid van Laingsnek.

Laingsnek was 'n strategiese plek waar die roete tussen Pietermaritzburg (in Natal) en Pretoria (in Transvaal) oor die Drakensberge gegaan het. 'n Boeremag van 1500 man onder Kommandant-generaal Piet Joubert het hulle op die lang rug van Laingsnek, net oos van Majuba, ingegrawe om Colley se opmars te stuit.

Op 28 Januarie 1881 (Die Slag van Laingsnek) het Generaal Colley se magte probeer om Laingsnek te verower, maar moes die aftog blaas nadat Kolonel Deane en baie van sy troepe gesneuwel het. Op 8 Februarie 1881 (Die Slag van Ingogo, ook bekend as die Slag van Skuinshoogte) het Colley se troepe weer onsuksesvol met die Boere onder Generaal Nicolaas Smit slaags geraak.

Hierna het Colley nog 2000 troepe van Newcastle laat kom en die plan bedink om die berg Majuba te beset, vanwaar hy kon neerkyk op die Boere se stellings by Laingsnek. Die Britte het die berg gedurende die nag van 26 Februarie uitgeklim. Daar was 405 Britse soldate op die berg, insluitend 171 van die 58ste Regiment en 141 van die 92ste Regiment (die 92nd Highlanders). Teen dagbreek om 04:30 is soldate rondom die kruin van die berg uitgeplaas. Die Gordon Highlanders het die noordelike en noordwestelike kruin beset, asook Gordon se koppie (Gordon's Knoll), een van drie koppies bo-op Majuba.

Daardie Sondagoggend het die Boere onmiddelik nadat hulle die Britse soldate op die berg gesien het, planne beraam om dit te bestorm. Generaal Nicolaas Smit, die bevelvoerder, het vrywilligers gevra en drie afdelings is gevorm onder leiding van kommandant Joachim Ferreira, assistent-veldkornet Fanus Roos en assistent-veldkornet Danie Malan. Generaal Smit het opdrag gegee dat die manne bo 50 agter die rotse van die eerste plato moes bly skuil en na elke Engelsman wat sy kop oor die boonste rand uitsteek, moes skiet. Dit het dit moontlik gemaak vir die res van die Boere om onder vuurdekking tot reg onder die kruin te kom, wat hulle net voor die middaguur, na 'n klim van ses uur, bereik het.

Intussen het Colley opdrag gegee dat die berg vir ten minste drie dae verdedig moes word en het hy en baie van die troepe wat dwarsdeur die nag die berg uitgeklim het, verlore slaap ingehaal.

Teen 12:45 het die Boere met hewige geweervuur op Gordon se koppie losgebars en dit verower. Gedurende die volgende uur, het die Boere oor die kruin gestroom en die Britte met akkurate skietwerk groot veliese toegedien. Daar was groot verwarring en die Britte het na die suidekant van die bergtop begin vlug. Generaal Colley is bokant sy regteroog raakgeskiet en is op die berg oorlede. Die res van die Britse mag het oor die agterste kruin gespring en is beseer, geskiet of gevange geneem.

Van die Britse soldate het 92 gesneuwel, 134 is gewond en 59 is gevange geneem. Slegs een van die Boere (H. Bekker) het daardie dag gesneuwel ('n tweede een, J. Groenewald, het later aan sy wonde beswyk) en ses ander is gewond. Dit toon die verskil tussen die Britte en die Boere se kamoeflering en skietvernuf.

Die veldslag het daartoe gelei dat die Britse bevelvoerders op 21 Maart 1881 'n vredesooreenkoms geteken het.

Alhoewel daar nie baie soldate betrokke was nie, was die veldslag belangrik, om die volgende redes:

• 'n Vredesooreenkoms is geteken, wat later tot die Pretoria Konvensie tussen die Britte en die jong Suid-Afrikaanse Republiek gelei het en die Eerste Vryheidsoorlog beëindig het.
• Naas Bloedrivier, was die veldslag van Majuba vir die Boere die belangrikste in hulle geskiedenis, want dit het hulle eie volksbestaan bevestig en hulle die selfvertroue en nasietrots in hulle taal en kultuur gegee wat gelei het tot latere taalbewegings en weerstand teen Groot-Brittanje tydens die Tweede Vryheidsoorlog.
• Die vuur-en-bewegingstaktiek wat Generaal Smit en die Boere gebruik het tydens die bestorming van die berg, was 'n nuutjie en is eers jare later deur ander leërs gebruik.
• Die Britte het die vier volslae nederlae (Bronkhorstspruit, Laingsnek, Skuinshoogte en Majuba) nie vergeet nie en dit het waarskynlik gevolge gehad tydens die Tweede Vryheidsoorlog, beter bekend as die Anglo-Boereoorlog van 1899 - 1902. "Remember Majuba!" het 'n strydkreet geword.
  

Kaptein Hindon

Captain Jack Hindon and his train wreckers. Photograph

Die volgende interessante inligting oor John Oliver Hindon is hier gevind.

The following interesting information on John Oliver Hindon was found here

HINDON'S LOST MANUSCRIPT

John Oliver Hindon, also known as Captain Jack Hindon of the Hindon Scouts or Dynamite Jack for his attacks during the Anglo-Boer War (1899-1902) against British supply and troop trains, was Scottish by birth.

His mother was a child-bride married to a British Army veteran. Jack Hindon had one sister, Margaret, and the family moved frequently, either because his father was restless or because his mother followed the available work. He joined the British Army like his father, but he absconded after a beating by his officer. This happened while in Durban, Natal, which was at that time a British annex.

Hindon traveled inland to the Transvaal Republic where he became a stonemason and later a police officer. He assisted the Boers against Leander Starr Jameson who, under orders from Cecil John Rhodes, tried to take the Transvaal Republic and its gold deposits by force. Hindon was rewarded for his loyalty to the Boer government with citizenship.

When the Anglo-Boer War started he was sequestered to the Middelburg commando and fought with distinction during the war. Almost immediately after the war he began to suffer from a combat induced neurological disease.

He married Martha Coetzee and in 1904, like many other fighters in the war, he traveled to St Louis to perform in the Boer War Show at the Exposition. The show was taken to Coney Island where it went bankrupt, stranding its players in New York without finances. Many of the Boers in the show settled in the United States.

Hindon was taken in by the Irish Americans and lived between Europe and the States until 1910 when Union was declared. In 1911 Louis Botha, the Prime Minister of the new Union, lifted the ban on Hindon who was by then seriously ill. Hindon returned to Middelburg in the Transvaal where John Tower Blake, an American living in South Africa, gave him a rent free home to live in. This home was known as Blake House.

Friends in government made sure that Hindon's wife Martha had work, and that he received an income from donations. Gustav Preller wrote a pot boiler and fictionalized biography of Hindon which was sold to raise funds for his friend and comrade in arms during the Anglo-Boer War.

In 1914, around the time WWI was declared, a group of Boers who had always believed that they had been betrayed by Louis Botha and other leaders who had negotiated peace with the British, rebelled. The rebellion was quelled and the players exorcised from political and social life, many left destitute and without permanent work for the rest of their lives.

Louis Botha, once a close friend of Jack Hindon's wrote to him asking if he had been involved in the rebellion. At this point, it is necessary to say that Jack Hindon had grown from a recalcitrant teenager into an astute political adviser and a sought-after supporter by political pundits in South Africa.

Botha and Botha's advisers feared that Hindon was a facilitator for the rebels. This suspicion was more an expression of the paranoia of a besieged government than a reality as Jack Hindon by the time he received Botha's letter was blind, paralyzed and in extreme pain. The only functional organ in his body was his brain which remained alert, incisive, and master of its owner.

Hindon was outraged by Botha's accusation. He responded with one of the most lucid and power pieces of political writing for the time, and he did so in English, explaining that perhaps his use of Afrikaans as a second language was not aiding in clarity and intention of meaning, so he would explain the situation to Botha not only in words of one syllable, but in words written in his mother tongue.

Hindon and Botha died within reach of each other as WWI and its subsequent memories and consequences were still freshly etched on the pages of history. Both died sick, broken men, but both left legacies that are still remembered today, even though one is more silent and more hidden than the other.

One of the things Jack Hindon left behind was a manuscript about the Anglo-Boer War, early Afrikaner nationalism, and his perceptions of his time and his adopted home. It was written in English. He left all his personal papers and ephemera to Gustav Preller with the request that the manuscript be published after his death. It never was.

Preller gave a plausible reason for not publishing it. WWI had changed the face of the world and the Anglo-Boer War had been re-written as a footnote in history. What Hindon had to say no longer mattered.

It is more probable that Preller had watched in horror as the Botha government destroyed its opponents and their careers and futures. After Louis Botha came the Jan Smuts era. Although an ardent rebel during the Anglo-Boer War, Jan Smuts became a man of Empire and more rabid in his determination to stamp out opposition than Botha ever was. Preller wanted to survive, and publishing Hindon's manuscript was not one of the ways in which to do so.

I have looked for Jack Hindon's manuscript in every potential place of storage - logically speaking - and I have come up empty-handed. Either Preller destroyed Hindon's manuscript, or someone else did. Because the fate of this manuscript is still unknown it is possible, marginally so, that Hindon's words continue to exist somewhere. And one thing is certain about those words - they told a story very different from the one that has been manufactured by political agendas over the past one hundred years. This is a story that could potentially reveal the true role of foreigners in the Boer ranks, and it could clarify the reasons why men, good and loyal men, were destroyed so utterly and so irrationally by once former friends like Louis Botha, a man not remembered for brutality.