Jack Hindon Verkenners

2011-07-21T06:07:00.000+01:00

Nelson Mandela - communist, terrorist, rabble-rouser !

: Nelson Mandela, founded MK, which was defined as a terrorist organisation by the US government and by Amnesty International.

Vir die Mandela blad in Afrikaans, kliek HIER

The Mandela Legend:

Webster defines a legend as “a story generally of a marvellous character, told respecting a saint”. It has an historical background, but is often padded and tainted by fantasy. In Mandela’s case, when the facts are viewed realistically and objectively, any sensible person will no longer see a saint, but a fantasy blown up to something supernatural. It will become clear that a false image of the so-called beloved Madiba is being presented to the world. He is by no means the peace-loving, gentle daddy he is made out to be, but nothing less than a tyrant. He did not spend 27 years in jail for no reason, as continuously maintained. One example of these untruthful presentations appeared in the London Independent, May 1993: “Nelson Mandela is a noble man ... imprisoned for 27 years for his dedication to the cause of Black majority in South Africa”.

How much of such misrepresentation could be ascribed to naive parrot-talk and how much to deliberate communist propaganda cannot easily be determined. The truth is that he was not imprisoned on Robben Island without reason – not even because he was merely an opponent of apartheid. He was there because he planned to overthrow a government and in the process, cause the violent deaths of thousands of innocent people (including blacks) – a crime which deserved the death penalty, and he must consider himself fortunate that the so-called apartheid-regime did not press for it. In his auto-biography Long Walk to Freedom, het admits inter alia that he gave the order to plant the Church Street bomb during the 80's, which killed 11 innocent people and injured many more.

In spite of this he was built up to an icon and held up as “a man of reconciliation”, as “essentially moderate, a man of special discernment, a courageous freedom fighter”. His international praise singers went as far as comparing him to Moses and George Washington. Topping them all was the American negro, Jesse Jackson, who blasphemously lifted him to the level of Jesus Christ. What is equally dumbfounding is that the post-1966 SA government hardly ever tried to unmask the real Mandela or his share in the Rivonia complot or his close bonds with the ANC/SACP, or to enlighten the public as to the aims of this alliance.

: This enormous soviet flag was displayed at ANC mass rallies. Communist leaders such as Joe Slovo were not only present as dignitaries, but later occupied key posts within the ANC government.

Pre-History of Mandela:

Rolihlahla Dalibungu (“Nelson” was added later) Mandela was born on 18 July 1918 at Mvezo (according to the biography published by the Nelson Mandela Foundation) or at Qunu (according to Aida Parker), near Umtata in the Transkei, as a member of the royal Thembu family. His education started in the local mission school, from where he was sent to the Clarkebury Boarding Institute for his Junior Certificate. Then to the Healdtown Wesleyan High School where he matriculated. According to the biography of the Mandela Foundation (hereinafter referred to as the Biography) he then entered the Fort Hare University as a BA-student, but was expelled for taking part in a protest boycott. In 1941 he moved to Johannesburg, as he says, to escape from an arranged marriage. There Walter Sisulu took him under his wing, housed him in his mother’s house, supported him financially and encouraged him to join the ANC, which he did in 1943. According to the Biography Sisulu arranged for him to do his clerkship at the law firm of Lazar Sidelsky. He completed his BA degree at Unisa in 1942 and shortly afterwards enrolled at the University of the Witwatersrand for an LL.B degree which he had not passed by the time he left in 1948. A few years later though he did pass the entrance examination and started a legal practice in Johannesburg in August 1952.

In 1944 he became a founder member, probably with Sisulu and Oliver Tambo, of the ANC Youth League, which soon developed into militant organisation designed to canvas potential communists and apply pressure on the ANC to opt for more violence. Five years later these three were in total control of the Youth League and thus effectively also of the ANC. Mandela was elected in 1949 to the National Executive Committee of the ANC and became president of the Youth League the following year. In 1952 he was nominated as voluntary head of the “Defiance Campaign”, formed to incite opponents of the apartheid policy to civil disobedience. These undermining activities regularly landed him into trouble and he received several suspended sentences which restricted his freedom of movement. Later, in 1952, he was elected Provincial President of the ANC in Transvaal and Deputy President of the ANC. Meanwhile, his patron, Sisulu, had become the first full time Secretary-General of the ANC. After the events at Sharpeville on 21 March 1960, the organisation was banned and went underground. Since then Mandela emerged as the leading proponent of the violence option to overthrow the SA government. The current image of a “man of peace” does not fit the man who in 1961, with Joe Slovo, founded Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the military wing of the ANC, as the main instrument to launch a communist revolution in SA. In the same year Mandela became chief commander and, according to Joe Slovo in his book South Africa – No Middle Road, shortly afterwards left for Africa and Europe to muster support for an armed struggle and training facilities for ANC cadres. He also personally underwent military training in Algeria in 1962. Towards the end of that year, thanks to Mandela’s efforts, there were already hundreds of ANC youths in revolutionary training in Cuba, Algeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, North Korea, Russia, China, East Germany and Czecho-Slovakia. In the same year Mandela was arrested for undermining activities and jailed for five years. In the Rivonia trial (1963-1964) he was found guilty and jailed for life.

Mandela was married three times and divorced twice. His first marriage was to Evelyn Mase (according to the Biography) or Ntoko (according to Aida Parker) from which four children were born. From his second marriage with Winnie Madikizela in June 1958 two daughters were born. On his 80^th birthday in 1998 he married Graca Machel, widow of Samora Machel of Mocambique.

: "Long live the Cuban Revolution. Long live comrade Fidel Castro" - Nelson Mandela

Exalted to Symbol of the ANC Struggle

Reportedly it was decided in 1976 to “personalise” the so-called struggle, which resulted in Mandela being glorified to a symbol of the struggle as well as a martyr. Why him, is difficult to determine, as both Walter Sisulu and Govan Mbeki, who were also serving sentences on Robben Island, were his seniors in all respects. It would appear as if Winnie Mandela’s image, which was also being polished at the time, had something to do with it. With appellations like “Mother of the Nation” (Mama Wetu), “Warrior Queen”, “Black Evita” and ”The Madonna of the Left” the local and international media boosted her reputation to almost that of a goddess. In contrast, Albertina Sisulu, Walter’s wife and a cousin of Mandela, was reportedly rather humdrum. Author is not aware that Mbeki’s wife ever featured in the public eye.

It is equally not clear where this idea of image building originated. Dr Igor Glagolev, who was for years instrumental in obtaining Soviet support for South African terrorist movements but later deviated to the West, states that the Russian (USSR) Politburo had decided towards the end of 1950 to start a campaign to take over South Africa. That in itself was not new, because the International Communist Congress of 1928 had already instructed the Communist Party of South Africa (SACP) to give special attention to the ANC and to convert the organisation to a national revolutionary movement in order to overthrow the White administration. Yusuf Dadoo, then chairman of the SACP, would play an important role in these plans, as he had been in control of not only the SACP but also of the ANC, since 1950. The USSR was of course also behind the civil wars in Angola and Mocambique as well as terrorism in the rest of Southern Africa.

Ironically it was the Western countries like England, America and the Scandinavian countries that financed the terrorist movements in Southern Africa in later years. They also actively participated with the international Communist network in building the Mandela image, referring to him as the man who would save South Africa – the black Messiah to come. This active support of the ANC by the Western powers was thus also the reason why, worldwide, there was hardly any criticism against the ANC’s campaign of violence. How deeply the West was involved is borne out by the fact that the ANC headquarters were not in a Communist country, but in London.

: This child was a "necklace" murder victim. Take a car tire, some fuel, binding wire to keep the victim cooperative - and a match. The ANC's sole contribution to modern warfare.

: "With our boxes of matches and our necklaces we shall liberate this country" - Winnie Mandela.

Rivonia: a Diabolical Complot to Overthrow the SA Government

Even before the advent of the Republic the enemies of the Whites in South Africa were intensively busy with undermining activities. In 1960, the ANC was banned and went underground. When it became known that South Africa would become a republic, the ANC convened the All African Conference where it was decided to insist on a national convention, representative of all South Africans, before it became a reality. Should it be denied, a countrywide strike would be staged. This did take place in May 1961 but was effectively squashed by the government. The ANC then decided to continue its protest by means of violence and for this reason MK (Spear of the Nation) was established. On 16 December 1961 the ANC issued a manifest, displayed mostly on posts in the black areas, in which it detailed its strategy for violence against government institutions by means of sabotage. On the same day the country was rocked by sabotage attacks, which escalated progressively in the years to come. During 1963 pamphlets were even distributed amongst Whites. Most of the early acts of sabotage were planned and coordinated from Ronnie Kasrils’ flat in Johannesburg with Nelson Mandela and Joe Slovo actively involved.

Initially the South African Police were unaware of the existence of MK but in due course they determined that this organisation was responsible for the sabotage attacks. Although they managed to arrest many of the insurgents who had received military training outside South Africa, often as soon as they re-entered the country, they were in the dark as to who the leaders were. Meanwhile the ANC became more arrogant and started with revolutionary broadcasts on Radio Freedom from mid-1963. The situation changed overnight when an informant supplied theJohannesburg Security Police with details of the whereabouts of the MK leaders. On 11 July 1963 in broad daylight, 15 policemen commanded by a Lt van Wyk raided Liliesleaf, the 28ha farm of Arthur Goldreich in Rivonia, 16km north of Johannesburg, and rounded up the surprised bunch of communists consisting of eight Jews, four blacks and one Indian. Since Mandela was already in jail, Goldreich had taken over as the main conspirator. With him and his wife Hazel, the listed communist Lionel Bernstein, adv Bob Hepple, Dennis Goldberg, attorney James Kantor and his brother-in-law and partner Harold Wolpe, dr Fernstein, Govan Mbeki, Walter Sisulu, Raymond Mhlaba and Ahmed Kathrada were arrested. Goldreich, Wolpe and Hepple managed to skip the country. The SACP moved its underground headquarters from Lilliesleaf to London.

Thanks to more information gained the police were able to swoop on another farm, Travallyn, 14km from Lilliesleaf, a few weeks later. This turned out to be not only a second hideaway but an arms factory as well. A third hide-out was uncovered in Mountain View, Pretoria.

These raids rendered many incriminating documents, the most important being the one which described Operation Mayibuye (“come back”) in detail – the master plan for subverting the South African government. The documents revealed ample evidence that Mandela was the chief conspirator. Some of Mandela’s diaries were found, containing evidence of his subversive activities, his involvement with sabotage, his visits to and discussions with African leaders, his participation in meetings of the Organisation of African Unity in Addis Abeba and his speech imploring these states to become involved in his struggle against White rule in South Africa. In addition a large collection of equipment to be used in the launching of Operation Mayibuye.

The accused first appeared in court on 9 October 1963 and again on 29 October and 25 November, but due to legal technicalities the case only started in earnest on 3 December 1963. The accused were Mandela, Sisulu, Goldberg, Mbeki, Bernstein, Hepple, Mhlaba, Kantor, Elias Motsoaledi and Andrew Mlangeni. To save his own skin Hepple turned state witness but escaped overseas before the session on 3 December, after he and his family received all sorts of threats. Vernon Ezra, Julius First (brother of Slovo’s first wife Ruth), Kasrils, Slovo, Oliver Tambo (first president of the ANC) and Strachan also fled the country before they could be accused.

The accused faced charges of sabotage, including deeds of sabotage, committing of illegal deeds, canvassing persons for training in warfare, manufacture and use of explosives with the aim to commit violence and cause destruction (altogether 153 acts of violence were listed) and conspiracy to engage in guerrilla-warfare with the aid of foreign armies. Plans included the manufacture of 48 000 land mines and large quantities of hand grenades, pipe, petrol and bottle bombs. These were to be unscrupulously applied; camouflaged in the most innocent packages like fruit boxes, coffee and jam tins and placed in soft spots like footpaths and entrances to gardens, with the aim to achieve maximum deaths, maiming and destruction.

Dr Percy Yutar appeared for the state, while Justice Quartus de Wet, Justice President of Transvaal presided. The accused were represented by advocates A (Braam) Fischer, VC Berrange, both listed communists, A Chaskalson, G Bizos and JF Coaker (for Kantor). JJ Joffe was the counselling attorney. Although the state identified 270 witnesses, it was only necessary to summon 173 of them, since the documentary evidence was so damning and at no stage during the trial did the accused ever challenge the authenticity of the documents seized, nor their revolutionary aims. Amongst the documents were 10 papers in Mandela’s own handwriting, explaining basic warfare, Chinese guerrilla warfare, Israeli-Philippine underground military operations and how the Witwatersrand locations were to be divided into four groups. Further divisions into zones were to facilitate the formation of underground cells.

An alarming scheme unfolded itself during the hearing. Operation Mayibuye was without doubt a master plan for full scale war and it was clear that the designers were experts in revolutionary warfare. Most probably it originated in some communist country like Russia, Red China, Cuba or Algeria, which already had a history of revolution. Both Mandela and Goldreich were regular visitors to these countries, where many ANC conscripts were trained in the manufacture and application of destructive instruments. For example, Goldreich, the author of Operation Mayibuye, was trained in explosive techniques in Russia, China and Germany, and several other of his accomplices received training in the use of various weapons, map and compass reading, radio communication, signalling and the setting of ambushes.

In the detailed strategy all relevant matters such as logistic planning and transport were fully dealt with. The attacks would take place mainly in the platteland and to this end the country was divided into four regions. Each region would be invaded by a guerrilla force which had to be self supportive for about a month. On arrival they were to split up into three smaller groups of 10 men each and then, by deception and intimidation, influence the locals to join them. It also came to light that the ANC grossly deceived their ordinary members as later directives were issued directly from the SACP. Mandela also stated in one of his papers that South Africa under communist rule would be a land of milk and honey.

While the local cadres carried on with their undermining activities an external force of 7 000 strong would be equipped and on standby to invade the country. An interim government were to be appointed, which could rely on the support of international labour unions to isolate the Republic. The supreme command of Operation Mayibuye (Mandela, Slovo and Joe Modise) were convinced that if the plan could be finalised successfully within six months, a wave of murder and grand scale carnage would follow, which would eventually lead to the achievement of their aim.

Organisations which cooperated in the planning of this diabolical scheme formed part of the Congress Alliance and included the ANC, SACP, SA Congress of Trade Unions, the Coloured People’s Congress and the Congress of Democrats.

Most witnesses refused to testify under oath, thus avoiding cross examination. Mandela, as accused number one, had a typed speech of 60 pages, which was distributed beforehand through leftist channels in order to rouse sympathy for the accused, and which he dramatically recited at conclusion of the court proceedings.

During an interview in 1990 it was revealed that the “I am prepared to die” speech was not written by himself, but that all the accused and most probably their legal representatives had a hand in it, and that Anthony Sampson, former editor of Drum magazine and good friend of archbishop Trevor Huddleston, at the request of Braam Fischer, was responsible for the final editing.

On 4 March 1964 the state closed its case and the court went into recession for a month to give the defence time to prepare their case. On 11 June 1964, exactly 11 months after the raid on Lilliesleaf, justice De Wet delivered his verdict in three minutes flat. The final version given later comprised 72 pages. Only Bernstein was found not guilty but he was arrested again as he left the court, on charges under the Suppression of Communism Act. Even the editor of the Rand Daily Mail, fierce opponent of apartheid, had to agree that “the sentences pronounced by Mr Justice de Wet yesterday at the conclusion of the Rivonia trial were both wise and just”.

This did not conclude the police investigation. Within a month after the case they closed in on more than 100 homes and arrested another 40 persons, 30 of them Whites.

Although this was a classic case of high treason and punishable under the law of the day by death, the whole world was surprised when dr Yutar announced at the start of the trial that the state had decided to lay charges of sabotage only. To this day it is not known why – no one has ever offered an explanation for this decision. Justice De Wet also stated that although the accused were guilty of high treason he could only pass sentence on the charge of conspiracy, the maximum for which was life imprisonment.

The verdict set in motion a world-wide vitriolic reaction and even the UN insisted that the accused should be indemnified because they were only opposing apartheid, yet Amnesty International declared that Mandela could not claim to be a political prisoner, since he was guilty of sabotage and violence. The South African government did not yield to any pressure and dr HF Verwoerd severely criticised the world for their double standards, using several examples to prove his stance. He made this prophetic statement: “When they say they are glad Mandela was not sentenced to death and he may still, like Kenyatta [the Mau-Mau leader of Kenya] become the leader in the future – then I say: God forbid.”

: Church street bomb carnage - Nelson Mandela created the terrorist group called "Mkhonto we sizwe" (MK for short). MK murdered far more black people than white, and far more civilians than police or military, as in the Church street bomb shown above.

Mandela and Communism

One of the documents, in his own handwriting, handed in as evidence in trial was titled How to be a Good Communist, in which he states categorically that the transition from capitalism to socialism could not be brought about by the slow methods proposed by the liberals, but only by revolution. He further maintains that studying the Marxist philosophy is necessary to get firmer control over revolutionary mass action (struggle) and continues: “The Communist movement still faces powerful enemies which must be completely crushed and wiped from the face of the earth before a Communist world can be realised.” This view was later endorsed by every local communist.

However, not all ANC’s were impressed with Mandela’s communist sympathies. The Anti-Marxists amongst them were “infuriated at the manner in which Mandela and other ANC leaders have allowed the former Black nationalist movement to be hijacked by the SACP”. How right they were was confirmed in an article by Angela Davis, Communist party leader in the USA, published December 1991 in the official organ of the American Communist Party. She quotes Brian Dunning, a veteran member of the SACP, who reveals that every member of the SACP is also a member of the ANC.

Equally the ambitious young ANC leader and Secretary General of the National Union of Mineworkers, Cyril Ramaphosa, was at loggerheads with Walter Sisulu, in this case, over the future leadership of the ANC. At the Lusaka council held in January 1990 he openly declared that many others continued the struggle while Mandela was imprisoned and “Mr Mandela should not expect to vault over the heads of those who have carried on the struggle”. This explains why Ramaphosa was side-tracked by both Mandela and Mbeki, and thus never considered for the ANC presidency.

Mandela never made any secret of the close ties between the ANC and the SACP. In his first speech after his release in 1990 he referred to his friend and brother-in-arms, Joe Slovo, as “one of our finest patriots”. Apart from his co-conspirators at Rivonia and co-prisoners on Robben Island his preference for communists clearly showed in his cabinet and other appointments after 10 May 1994. Steve Tshwete, Joel Netshitendze, Sidney Mufamadi, Valli Moosa, Trevor Manuel, Alfred Nzo, Cheril Carolus, John Nkadimeng and Tito Mboweni were all communists, according to Aida Parker Newsletter. Chris Hani declared that Mandela never took decisions on his own but always first consulted with his confidants, thus making sure that he had the support of most of his comrades. Hani puts it this way in the International Express, 4-10 February 1993: “However much the West may admire and fete him as a brave individual, Mandela has debts to pay and forces to placate”.

Mandela has never Denounced Violence

Mandela pretends to be a proponent of peace who bears no thoughts of vengeance towards his opponents, but the realities belies this image. Apart from the communists and Afrikaner-haters which, thanks to his efforts, have been placed in prominent positions, his promotion of Peter Mokaba (of Kill the Farmer, Kill te Boer fame) to deputy minister speaks unquestionably of his hatred for the Afrikaner. Equally, the appointment of the so-called Truth and Reconciliation Commission, loaded with opponents of the previous government, reflects his attitude towards the Afrikaner people. No truth and no reconciliation ensued from this circus chaired by Desmond Tutu and its sole purpose was to humiliate the Afrikaner.

It is clear that his “peace” comes from the barrel of an AK47. Aida Parker says that “compassion or feeling for the human condition have seldom if ever played any role in his actions”. As early as 1961 Mandela declared: “I and some colleagues came to the conclusion that as violence in this country was inevitable, it would be wrong and unrealistic for African leaders to continue preaching peace and non-violence at a time when the government met our peaceful demands with force.” This statement about government action is also not true. Should terrorists, saboteurs and subverters be treated with kid gloves? The government acted in accordance with the barbarous realities it was confronted with. Any other government would have done the same.

Many similar statements by Mandela brought millions of young blacks under the impression that the ANC/SACP ideal would be achieved by violence only. In order to mobilise them Mandela himself told them that if they wanted weapons, they must join MK. This recommendation of violence was a free pass to anarchy, and Mandela should take full blame for the violence which erupted over South Africa, and persists to this day. The extent of the carnage is illustrated by these statistics for the five years September 1984 to August 1989: 1 770 schools, 7 187 homes of black owners suspected to be non-members of the ANC, 10 318 buses, 152 trains, 12 188 private vehicles,1 256 shops and factories, 60 post offices, 47 churches and 30 clinics were destroyed. During the same period, 300 blacks were murdered, mostly by the barbarous “necklace” method. The killing and mayhem has never stopped and latest statistics show that 56 persons per day are being murdered in South Africa, not to mention the rapes, armed and transito robberies, hijackings and house breaking. Two million crimes are being committed annually of which less than half are ever solved, because the police are incompetent and themselves corrupt.

That crime is rife was acknowledged as early as 2001 by the then Commissioner of Police, Jackie Selebi. A newspaper reported at the time that he admitted that 600 crime syndicates are active in South Africa. Since then regular reports informed us that the Russian and Sicilian Mafia, as well as drug lords from Nigeria and elsewhere are thriving in South Africa, and that this country has indeed become the crime Mecca of the world. That is the wonderful heritage of Mandela and the ANC/SACP. Meanwhile the poor, black and white, are poorer than ever before while a few elitist blacks are getting stinking rich.

After it became known that Mandela was to receive the Nobel prize for peace, the ANC published a statement to the effect that Mandela has always liberally supported the armed wing of the ANC financially, it is likely that he would donate a sizable portion of his R3,1 million to MK. That is the man who, according to the international media, is an ardent promoter of peace!

: This child was an ANC landmine victim. Smuggling in thousands of landmines was one of the charges which landed Mandela in prison.

The National Party (NP) and Mandela

On 2 February 1990 FW de Klerk delivered his now notorious Red Friday speech in which he announced that Mandela would be released, despite the continuing violence in the country. Interesting to note that while so many tears are being shed about Mandela’s 27 wasted years in jail, Aida Parker reports that John Vorster suggested, as early as 1976, that he could be released if he would settle in the Transkei with his brother-in-law Kaiser Matanzima. Mandela refused the offer – he thought it would be an acceptance of the NP’s homeland policy. Aida Parker also reveals that, shortly after that the Marxist MPLA offered to exchange a Major of the South African Forces, who had been captured in Cabinda, for Mandela’s release. Mandela also refused that.

In March 1982 he was transferred to Pollsmoor prison in Cape Town. In 1984 there were serious discussions within the NP to release him, but the revolutionary climate that had moved in over South Africa did not allow it. It appears that Mandela knew all about these discussions and that encouraged him to take the initiative to write a letter to Kobie Coetzee, Minister of Justice. Thereafter he was transferred to a single cell and discussions between him and Coetzee started in 1986. It is reported that the government went as far as to secretly move him to the luxurious three bedroomed house, until then occupied by the Chief of Pollsmoor prison, and provide him with all the necessary facilities to communicate with the ANC’s in exile. Even a chef was appointed to cook to his desire. During December 1988 he was transferred to the Victor Verster prison, near the Paarl. Chris Hani, a hardened communist and commander of MK who, like Mao Tse Tsung, believed that power comes from the barrel of a gun, revealed during the years immediately prior to the De Klerk capitulation that he had free access to Mandela and needed only to pick up the phone to make an appointment when he felt like it.

PW Botha was also eager to free Mandela and invited him to Tuynhuis for discussions on 5 July 1989. Botha was willing to release him the moment he denounced violence. Although Mandela indicated that he would like to contribute towards the creation of a climate of peace, it is doubtful whether he is to be believed, as this would not have fitted his revolutionary character and future plans. It would also have been a repudiation of the ANC’s violence option which led to the founding of MK. Mandela never denounced violence, yet De Klerk released him on 11 February 1990, and at the same time un-banned organisations like the ANC and SACP.

During a visit to the USA, on invitation of the CP of that country, Hani predicted that South Africa will get a communist government. It is unthinkable that the SA government did not take notice. Yet it appears that De Klerk was so eager to negotiate with this terrorist organisation that he did not want the Whites be informed about the true nature of the ANC or similar statements by Hani and other radicals in the ANC/SACP. Thus the NP did everything in its power to present a moderate image of the ANC to the electorate. Even the Intelligence Service received orders not to investigate or expose any ANC activities which would impair this image. When the Aida Parker Newsletter wanted to publish the horrid details of the ANC’s hell camps, they tried to prevent it, fortunately without success. Naturally the NP also hushed the details of the revolutionary plans foreseen by Operation Mayibuye that came to light in the Rivonia trial; the fewer people that knew about it, the better.

We are still enjoying the results of this surrender politics. Not only has the country been destroyed and transformed from a first world country to a third world dump, but the process is unabated. It now appears as if the reigning anarchy caused by strikes and violent protests against poor service levels (mostly by people who do not even pay for those services!) is but a smoke screen, and in fact is purposefully directing us towards the start of the second revolution, as planned by the ANC/SACP. As Dr Verwoerd said: God forbid.

Even foreign observers have pointed out that the ANC regime is corrupt and incompetent. Shortly after the ANC takeover, British historian Paul Johnson expressed the view in The Spectator of February 1995: “South Africa is a country afflicted by crime and corruption, with tumbling standards and a population doomed to a poverty stricken and carnal existence”. Under a socialist-communist regime Mandela’s promise of a land of milk and honey has come to nought! How can such a terrorist be regarded as a hero?

Conclusion

Not only has the deterioration on all levels escalated since 1994, but 30 000 Whites have been murdered, often in the most ghastly manner. The policy of “affirmative action” is the most inhumane discrimination against Whites. The fact that so many Afrikaners have lost their jobs, and by law cannot find new employment, has caused untold misery, while black millionaires increase annually. It is estimated that 10% of Afrikaners have been reduced to beggary in squatter camps, with all the social and other evils ensuing from that. All the result of the De Klerk treason which put Mandela into power.

It is ironic that people should clamour to declare 18 July as international Mandela-day, almost as ironic as awarding the Nobel Peace prize to Mandela and De Klerk. Now one understands why God revealed in the Bible that there will be difficult times ahead for the Christian, times in which men would rather “not endure sound doctrine; but after their own lusts shall they heap to themselves teachers, having itching ears; and they shall turn away their ears from the truth, and shall be turned unto fable”, when wrong will be right and the lie will be the truth.

Dr Pieter Möller (July 2009).

English translation by Hennie Kasselman

Die Halwe Kring - NP van Wyk Louw

2011-03-31T18:12:00.002+01:00

Miskien ook sal ons sterwe en iewers ruggelings stort, dat hierdie helder aarde in ons verdonker word.

Miskien sal niemand later mooi dinge van ons weet, en nêrens sin te kry wees in al ons stryd en leed.

Sal elkeen as hy magtloos naby die sterwe lê, net hierdie eensaam wete uiteindelik nog hê.

Dat ons nie kon gebuig word soos hul geweld dit wou, en dat ons vry kon lewe...

Net aan ons bloed getrou!

Generaals de Wet en de la Rey is nie kwotaspelers nie

2010-07-01T21:37:00.000+01:00

Met die wêreldbeker sokker wat tans in SA gespeel word, is dit duidelik dat die ANC hul beeld wil poets vir die buiteland. So byvoorbeeld, het hulle hul massas ondersteuners opdrag gegee om hulle te gedra wanneer die buitelandse besoekers in Suid-Afrika is.

Hulle het selfs so ver gegaan om die uitvoerende hoof van die ANC-vryheidspark, Wally Serote, opdrag te gee om ‘n foto van generaal de Wet in hul heldesaal te hang. Daar is selfs nou sprake dat hulle dieselfde met ‘n foto van generaal de la Rey gaan doen.

In die verlede is die ANC-vryheidspark uitsluitlik gebruik om ANC kaders te vereer. In 2006 was daar groot polemiek, juis omdat die ANC-beheerde vryheidspark besluit het om nie die name van SAW-lede wat op grens gesneuwel het, in te sluit by die name van die destydse terroriste wat in dieselfde oorlog gesneuwel het nie. Selfs nou het die uitvoerende hoof te kenne gegee dat hulle nie die name van die SAW-lede gaan byvoeg nie. Hulle verweer is, dat die SAW-lede nie vir vryheid geveg het nie en mens kan aanneem dat hulle daarmee bedoel dat hulle vir onderdrukking geveg het.

Sedert die ontstaan van die ANC-vryheidspark is die enigste “Afrikaners” wie se name mens daar sou vind, die van verloopte “Afrikaners” soos Bram Fischer en ander prominente kommuniste. Om nou te midde van die sokker met ‘n gepoetste beeld van ‘n reënboognasie wat nie werk nie, volksmanne soos de Wet en de la Rey in te span as kwotaspelers in hierdie nasiebou klugspel, is lasterlik en onaanvaarbaar.

Dit sou beter wees, as die ANC dan so graag “Afrikaners” daarby wou insluit, dat hulle kaders soos FW de Klerk, Roelf Meyer en die voetwassende Adriaan Vlok gebruik het. Dit is egter duidelik dat selfs die ANC vir hierdie sikofante geen respek het nie.

Die Verkennersbeweging van Suid-Afrika eis dat die foto’s van hierdie Christelike volkshelde, de Wet en de la Rey, verwyder word van hierdie voorvadergees tempel. Geen Christen kan tog vereer word in ‘n Godslasterlike plek soos die ANC se vryheidspark nie.

Die uwe

Ben Geldenhuys
President
Verkennersbeweging van Suid-Afrika

Open Letter to Fifa President, Mr Joseph S. (Sepp) Blatter

2010-06-26T12:11:00.003+01:00

The President

Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA)

FIFA-Strasse 20

PO Box 8044

Zurich

Switzerland

FIFA’s MORAL BANKRUPTCY

Whilst football fever is running high in South Africa and the rest of the world as the first matches of the 2010 Soccer World Cup are being played, there is a big dark cloud forming on the horizon for the host nation of this magnificent and spectacular event.

With its notorious crime and already well-known racially prejudiced policies of Affirmative Action and Black Economic Empowerment, the ANC’s New South Africa is starting to loose its varnish as more and more people are starting to notice the true colours of South Africa’s Rainbow, that is, except for organised sport of course.

You see, Mr Blatter, whilst FIFA secretary general Jeromy Valcke was happy to declare that FIFA has managed (through the use of its draconian regulations, bylaws and brand police) to increase its income by 50 percent since the 2006 World Cup in Germany, reports of South Africa’s overspending in order to host the event, as well as rumours of planned xenophobic attacks and Zimbabwe-style land grabs immediately after the World Cup, have started doing the rounds in South Africa’s press.

When this is viewed against the backdrop of ANC’s Youth League president Julius Malema’s recent calls to “shoot the Boer”, Mr Eugene Terre’Blanche’s subsequent murder and Genocide Watch’s recent decision to raise South Africa’s genocide threat level to level 5 out of a possible 8 stages of genocide (listing Boers and refugees as the potential victims of black racists), you must acknowledge that there is good reason to be concerned about what the future holds for us ordinary South Africans.

When the abovementioned is borne in mind, you must surely recognize why the Boer people deem it necessary for you to explain how FIFA justifies playing World Cup matches at a stadium named after someone like Peter Mokaba – the person who actually coined phrases like “Kill the Boer; kill the farmer“ and “One Boer one bullet”? How do you justify singing the praises of this racist by declaring on your website: “Peter Mokaba was born and bred in Polokwane and was renowned for his fighting spirit and for his inspirational leadership.” Considering FIFA’s insistence that Coca Cola Park be called Ellis Park for the duration of the World Cup, why would you believe the naming of Peter Mokaba Stadium is but a local issue?

With ticket sales, sponsorships and media rights as its only targets, FIFA seems oblivious to all those factors that are worrying to so many ordinary South Africans and other sports fans – insofar as it would seem that FIFA reached an agreement with the ANC government that a moratorium be placed on any form of peaceful protest anywhere in South Africa for the duration of the World Cup, thereby blocking a planned peaceful protest in Potchefstroom (where no World Cup games are played) against the slaughter of yet another Boer.

Whilst FIFA can be commended for its attempts and precautions to ensure a successful and safe World Cup for tourists and players alike, the more elusive question is: If the bulk of the SAP’s resources (funded by South African taxpayers) are used to keep tourists and sporting events safe, who is going to police the rural areas and keep the average South African citizen safe?

Per a Security Brief in our possession, issued by Major Mick Boyle of the British Peace Support Team (South Africa) “the SAPS will be concentrating on the areas most frequented by visitors/tourists. These will be at the Football stadiums, the Fanparks, ORT airport, hotels in the cities and the routes to the stadiums. This leaves the criminals to have a free run at the suburbs! The criminals are fully aware of this too. They understand that the reaction time for SAPS to get to an incident will be long - if they come at all.”

The above was further illustrated when we witnessed how SAPS task teams rushed onto the tarmac at the respective international airports to escort the various football teams to their hotels; recently we also saw how the SAPS managed to track down and a special “FIFA court” convict 2 Zimbabwean robbers in less than a week – all this when ordinary citizens are told by the SAPS that there is not sufficient petrol in the vehicles to come out to a crime scene.

In another instance a patient needing surgery was told that her scheduled operation could not go ahead as beds had to be kept open, “in case of an emergency” during the World Cup.

With FIFA and its brand police gaining notoriety for its pirate-like behaviour when it comes to the “protection” of its marketing interests against small businesses like the pub-owner who dared to advertise that he would be screening “World Cup” games, or the African flee-market entrepreneur who dared to make and sell “South Africa”, “World Cup” or “2010” curios, it shouldn’t come as a surprise that FIFA, its sponsors and the self-serving ANC-government make such good bed fellows when ensuring that this would be a “successful” World Cup. Successful for whom? The South African public at large, or FIFA?

And should it be the Boer’s fate that once more we become the victims of full-scale genocide or attempted genocide, let the record show that FIFA and all its sponsors have been warned about the effects of their dispassion for the sake of the proverbial 30 pieces of silver.

The Jack Hindon Scouts consequently support the campaign, calling for all those concerned for the well-being of the Boer people and other vulnerable South African minorities, to join the facebook group “Fifa 2010: A celebration of Genocide”.

Ben Earle

Chairman: Jack Hindon Scouts

Steun vir onafhanklikheid van die Afrikanervolk

2010-06-17T22:28:00.000+01:00

‘n Jeugkonferensie wat gehou is op 16 Junie 2010, wat gereël is deur Afriforumjeug en waarna ongeveer 27 jeugorganisasies genooi was, is ook deur die Verkennersjeug bygewoon. Tydens hierdie konferensie het die Verkennersjeug ‘n voorlegging gemaak waarin die Afrikanervolk se onafhanklikheidseis baie duidelik uitgespel is. Ook het die Verkenners die Volksmoord wat tans teen die Afrikaner gepleeg word, ten sterkste veroordeel en die ander organisasies genooi om ook die Volksmoord amptelik te veroordeel. Na aanleiding van ‘n vraag uit die gehoor het die verteenwoordiger van die Verkenners verduidelik dat die Volksmoord wat teen die Afrikaner gepleeg word, reeds amptelik deur die internasionale gemeenskap erken word en nie bloot iets is wat die Verkenners uitgedink het nie. Daar word met afwagting uitgesien na die veroordeling van die Volksmoord op die Afrikaner deur die jeugorganisasies van Suid-Afrika.

Aan die einde van die konferensie is daar ook die vraag aan die gehoor gestel, of hulle teen die onafhanklikheid van die Afrikanervolk is. By wyse van hand-opsteek het die organisasies wat teen die onafhanklikheidseis van die Afrikanervolk is, hulle afkeer te kenne gegee. Dit was insiggewend om te sien dat dit slegs die DA en ACDP was wat gekant is teen die onafhanklikheidseis van die Afrikanervolk en die Voortrekkerbeweging wat besluit het om buite stemming te bly. Selfs meer insiggewend is die feit dat die talle swart organisasies glad nie gekant is teen die onafhanklikheid van die Afrikanervolk nie.

Ben Geldenhuys

President

Verkennersbeweging van Suid-Afrika

Voorlegging deur die Verkennersbeweging : Afriforum Jeugkonferensie - 16 Junie 2010

2010-06-17T13:04:00.005+01:00

Die Afrikaner as volk bestaan as ‘n volk op sy eie en het die reg om as sulks te bestaan.
Weens die aard, wese en herkoms van die Afrikanervolk het ons wel ‘n Europese herkoms waarop ons baie trots is, maar het ons in Suid-Afrika ontstaan en het dus die reg om op die bodem van Suid-Afrika voort te bestaan.
Ons sal, indien dit God sou behaag, ook in die toekoms as ‘n volk op ons eie voortbestaan binne die Afrika konteks.
Ons as volk is nie afhanklik van mense se ondersteuning of hulle wilsbeskikking om te wees en te bestaan nie. Uit die Bybel leer ons dat daardie reg deur ons Here gegee en geneem word.
Ons wil as volk ons eie taal, kultuur, Godsdiens, aard en wese handhaaf, ook vir ons nageslag.
Die vryheidstrewe van ons voorvaders eer ons en brand daardie selfde strewe net so warm in ons en ons kinders se harte as in ons voorvaders s’n.
Die Afrikaner is nie foutloos nie. Ons het verseker baie foute in die verlede gemaak en kan ook in die toekoms nog heelwat foute maak. Dit is menslik en ons sal nog arrogant nog kruiperig hieroor wees. Ons dien egter ons God, ons volk en ons strewes na die beste van ons vermoëns en wil dit doen tot voordeel van die land wat ons bewoon asook andere volkere rondom ons.
Ons is baie lief vir en trots op ons eie volk met al sy sterk punte, swak punte, suksesse, foute en gebreke.
Ons handhaaf ons eie, maar wil terselfdertyd geen ander s’n ontneem of ontsê nie.
Die Afrikanervolk erken die bestaan van ander volkere naas homself. Ons haat geen ander volk nie en ons minag geeneen van hulle nie. Ons haat en verwerp wel enige stappe, aksies of optrede van enige indiwidu, groepering of volk wat daarop gemik is om ons as Afrikaners se bestaan en identiteit te ontken of ons voortbestaan te vernietig of wat ons brandende strewe na selfbeskikking teewerk.
Ons eis niks vir onsself, wat ons nie ook enige ander volk gun nie.
Ons wil oor geen volk heers nie en sal nie verduur dat enige ander volk oor ons heers nie.
Ons sal na die beste van ons vermoë bydra tot die welsyn van elke ander volk wat naas ons s’n wil bestaan.
Ons reg om oor onsself te regeer, is ‘n reg wat vervat is in die Volkereg, beginsels van natuurlike geregtigheid en VN se handves van menseregte. Ook SA is ‘n ondertekenaar van hierdie handves.
Ons betreur en verwerp enige aksies of dade wat enige volk se reg op selfbeskikking en voortbestaan ontneem. Enige dade wat daarop gemik is om dit ons te ontneem sal, as dit God so behaag, misluk, bloot omdat die Afrikaner is wat hy is. Enige pogings hiertoe sal ook te staan kom teen die harde werklikheid van die Afrikaner se wilsgerigtheid.
Ons veroordeel ten sterkste die volksmoord wat tans teen die Afrikaner gepleeg word en daag al die organisasies teenwoordig uit om dit nie net te veroordeel nie, maar om dit skriftelik te veroordeel. Persone wat hierdie erkende volksmoord nie veroordeel nie, is self skuldig aan hierdie volksmoord volgens Genocide Watch.
Ons definieer onsself nie as “teen” of “anti” enige persoon of volk nie. Ons definieer onsself wel onomwonde as “vir” en “pro” Afrikanerskap en die Afrikanervolk.
Vreedsame NAAS…bestaan is onses insiens verseker moontlik indien elkeen van die volke wat naas mekaar bestaan se individualisme en eiesoortigheid erken word, daardie volk homself kan regeer en optimaal kan verwesenlik op die manier en binne die raamwerk wat sy eie geloofsoortuigings, kultuur, taal en herkoms bepaal. Ons verstaan die term “Naasbestaan” (en word dit as sulks in die HAT omskryf) as synde “Bestaan naas ‘n ander [volk]” en verstaan onder die term “naas” (en word dit insgelyks as sulks in die HAT omskryf) as “digby, grensend aan, langs”.
Nie een van hierdie terme kan of behoort verwar te word met vermenging, ineensmelting, assimilasie, integrasie of samepersing nie.
Aangesien ons as Verkenners “vir” die Afrikaner is, eerder as “teen”, is al ons aksies en dade ook geskoei op volksbou en volksbehoud. (NIE NASIEBOU NIE).
Ons sal gesels met enige persoon of volk wat hierdie strewe erken en/of deel en sal rondom hierdie duidelike beginsels na vreedsame naasbestaan met enige ander volk werk. Teenoor diesulkes reik ons die hand van vriendskap uit, omdat hulle ons aanvaar vir wie en wat ons is.
Daar moet egter geen onduidelikheid by enige iemand bestaan oor die diepte van ons strewe na selfbeskikking nie. Dit is integraal deel van ons wese. Solank enige Afrikaner leef, sal die inherente wese van daardie strewe dus voortleef.

Aldus geteken en voorgehou te Pretoria op hede die 16de dag van Junie 2010.

Rian Genis

GENOCIDE UNFOLDING IN SOUTH AFRICA

2010-05-09T09:41:00.002+01:00

Westminster, United Kingdom

On Saturday morning, 8 May 2010, around 20 Afrikaners, referring to themselves as “Boere”, conducted a “silent protest” in Parliament Square against what is known in South Africa as “Plaasmoorde” – Farm Murders.

With their mouths taped and without chanting any of the slogans on their placards ranging from “More than 3,000 farmers murdered since 1994” and “Families butchered everyday” to “No farmers, no food” and “Boer genocide = African famine” they symbolised the silence of the world press when it comes to the reporting of these killings. Apart from two high profile murders that enticed a couple of media reports for a week or two, these murders have gone largely unnoticed.

When asked what the aim of the protest was, the organiser of the event, Wynand Krüger, replied: “Whilst we acknowledge that South Africa’s rampant crime leaves every citizen and tourist very vulnerable, we wanted to emphasise the ethnic nature of what we consider to be targeted attacks in order to scare and intimidate white farmers off their land. Do you realize that Genocide Watch recently raised South Africa’s threat level to Stage 5 out of the 8 possible stages of Genocide, referring to Boers and refugees as the potential victims? That is why we also chose to display Boer flags here today; we consider “plaasmoorde” to constitute a process of ethnic cleansing that echoes the concentration camps of the Anglo Boer War. No-one believed it then and no-one is believing it now. Our people need, and would be very thankful for, another Emily Hobhouse, hence the protest here in Parliament Square.”

One protester also commented that the ANC-dominated government’s failure to adequately address farm murders, as well as its racially prejudiced policies towards ethnic minorities since Nelson Mandela stepped down, left her feeling marginalised and unable to identify with the new South Africa, its flag and the idea of a Rainbow Nation any longer. “The ANC preaches one thing, but practises another”, she said.

Another protestor wanted to know why Mr Mandela was so quiet on the farm murder issue, especially since the ANC defended Julius Malema’s singing of the song “Kill the Boer”. “Mr Mandela won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1993, where is he now? Last year he shared a stage with now president Zuma, thereby endorsing Zuma and the ANC during the previous election!”

The frightening statistics of more than 3,000 farmers being murdered in more than 10,000 attacks since 1994, the ANC’s failure to discipline Julius Malema for his hate speech and calling for Zimbabwe-style land grabs, the fact that South Africa can now be mentioned in the same breath as Zimbabwe and Iraq (both listed as at stage 5 by Genocide Watch) when potential genocide is discussed, as well as the knock-on effect of these factors on food production in Sub-Saharan Africa, do send a multitude of shivers up one’s spine. It is therefore unsurprising that there are serious doubts about the prospects for a peaceful future in South Africa.

Despite the protest in Parliament Square being a silent one, those present hoped that the message got across loud and clear.

Ben Earle
Chairman: Jack Hindon Scouts

"Vêrregse" foefie 'n slinkse wyse om die Boer van sy Vryheidspad te ontspoor

2010-05-09T09:14:00.000+01:00

Volgens ‘n mediaberig op 7 Mei 2010, koppel die ANC se minister van polisie, Nathi Mthethwa, die sogenaamde “white supremacists”, wat glo bomme in die swart woonbuurtes wou plant om die Wêreld Sokkerbeker te ontwrig aan die Afrikaner se vryheidstrewe na ‘n onafhanklike republiek. Die minister doen dit deur te verwys na hierdie sogenaamde “white supremacists” as aanhangers van die Volkstaatgedagte.

Mnr Ben Geldenhuys, President van die Verkenners, verklaar in reaksie hierop soos volg : “Hierdie metodiek herinner sterk aan die alombekende kommunistiese metodes waar ‘n revolusie binne ‘n revolusie geskep word om enige weerstand dood te smoor. Daar word ook ernstig getwyfel aan die geloofwaardigheid van die media berig oor die sogenaamde “vêrregses” wat nou weer ‘bomme wil plant’. Die vaagheid van die berig dra tot die twyfel by.”

Mnr Geldenhuys se verder :”Die minister hoef nie so bedreig te voel oor die ontwaking van die Boere-Afrikaner en sy vryheidseis nie. Hierdie ontwaking word juis aangehelp as gevolg van die minister en sy regering se onvermoë om wet en orde te handhaaf.“

Die Verkenners doen ‘n beroep op Afrikaners om nie afgeskrik te word deur sulke slinkse wyses om ons Volk van sy Vryheidspad te ontspoor nie. Dit is juis nou die tyd om meer doelgerig betrokke te raak vir die bereiking van ons Volk se Vryheid!

Ben Geldenhuys

President

Verkenner Beweging van SA

TAU SA'S OPEN LETTER TO PRES ZUMA

2010-04-24T18:10:00.000+01:00

The President

Republic of South Africa

The Presidency

Pretoria

Dear Mr. Zuma,

REQUEST FOR CONSTRUCTIVE MEETING ABOUT THE UNDERMENTIONED KEYPOINTS

Every government is subject to two cardinal guidelines:

· The Constitution of the country

· The Social Contract which the government guarantees before and during elections.

In exchange, the country’s citizens are dependent upon and accept the integrity of the government of the land. Citizens pay taxes so that effect can be made of the Constitution’s demands, which the government is compelled to undertake. The Social Contract must also be effected by ensuring that citizens live in security and without fear, that proper infrastructure is provided and that educational and medical needs are rendered.

TAU SA has bent over backwards – sometimes in the face of pressure from its members – to encourage productive discussions with the government with regard to problems and perspectives, and TAU SA has tried to do this in a positive and supportive manner with the government. In most cases, promises and undertakings have been made which, over the passage of time, have come to nothing.

At present the situation in the land is extremely charged as a result of tension that has been created – farmers are especially in the proverbial cross hairs and their situation is now untenable. This will automatically place the country’s food security in a serious and hazardous position.

As a result certain matters can no longer be ignored and, for the sake of food security and good neighbourliness, urgent discussions must now take place where clear cut answers must be supplied with regard to the following charges which TAU SA lays before the President of the country, his cabinet and the governing party:

· There is bad faith, because matters are twisted to suit ideological standpoints, such as the fact that the song “Skiet die Boere, Kill the Boer” doesn’t really mean that the farmers must be shot and killed!

· Neglecting to take action against those who cause unrest. How long must the country’s head of state wait before his remarks that these inflammatory mischief makers will be charged, bear results? Nothing has been done and this has resulted in even more incitement from the rabble rousers.

· The unreliability and insensitivity of ministers with whom appointments are made on important matters and who, at the very last moment, cancel the appointment. Farmers are also busy people with busy schedules, and the impression is given that the farmers’ standpoints are not really very important. Everything else is more important than a meeting with a farmer or an agricultural organization.

· Broken promises – for example, the commando system was abolished with a promise of a substitute agricultural security structure. Sector policing that was put forward as a replacement, failed, and farmers are still being attacked, murdered, injured and burgled.

· The exaggerated pursuit of quotas. A survey by Solidarity revealed that in some government departments, the Affirmative Action quotas have actually been exceeded. Does this mean that the land reform quota of handing over 30% of land to black owners until 2014 will also be exceeded?

· Reckless statements by ministers.

Ø TAU SA demands that every minister who declares that farm workers are illegally evicted from farms must prove this with facts such as the names of the persons, the dates, the time and the place, and also provide the case number where this illegality has been reported and investigated, and they must give the results of this investigation.

Ø Any minister who declares that farm workers have been badly treated must also provide the necessary details as mentioned above.

Ø Any minister who declares that squatter camps exist because farmers have dismissed their workers must provide the necessary statistics about the nationality of the squatters, given that it is well known that because of pathetic border control, these camps are so full of foreigners that even English is not spoken or understood.

· The waste of public funds on failing or failed projects such as the land reform project where more than 80% have failed, at great cost to the taxpayers. Food security is now at risk.

Ø With regard to this, TAU SA has had no reply to a very simple question: what is the percentage ground which the government has marked out for land reform – 30% of the total land of South Africa or 30% of agricultural land?

· TAU SA is on record that the murder of farmers is nothing more than ethnic cleansing. Your silence on this can be seen as an acknowledgement of this fact.

· The lack of political determination to uphold the integrity of the country’s infrastructure.

Ø Farmers experience increasing problems in getting their products to market as a result of the terrible state of the country’s roads, while they pay for licences and are burdened with petrol price increases. Farmers receive very little in return for their payments, especially with regard to the maintenance of roads and the most basic of services.

Ø The collapse of water purification installations has resulted in the pollution of rivers and underground water sources, which makes these sources unusable for farming. Farmers suffer losses, and less food is produced as a result of government neglect in this regard.

· The government’s neglect to give attention to the security of the country is bordering on the transgression of human rights.

Ø The commandos have been withdrawn, so farmers are left on their own to defend themselves.

Ø The citizenry as well as the farmers are intimidated into handing in their firearms while hardened criminals with illegal firearms have made the land unsafe and. in places, ungovernable.

Ø When farmers make application for a new firearm licence, it takes sometimes months to obtain this licence, which means that while waiting for the licence, the farmer is without self protection.

Ø Farmers who were given the green light to create their own self-protection structures are now becoming targets for prosecution, while they should be regarded as people who are trying to uphold the law as supporters of safety and security.

· The government is in cahoots with organized trade unions against the farmers via making labour legislation difficult to uphold and, in some cases, making it impossible to sustain. To listen in to Parliament where ridiculous statements such as the farmers are themselves responsible for the lack of safety on farms, and that they steal their own stock, makes one ask: is it possible that this verbal rubbish can come out of the country’s highest body?

· The government’s indiscriminate and uncritical support for its alliance partner COSATU’s loud and ungrounded statements about the living standards of farm workers on farms.

· The government and COSATU’s focus on farm dwellers rather than farm workers. The farmer as an employer has no contract whatsoever with others who stay on the farms whether as sojourners under particular legislation, or as family members, or whatever.

· The fact that the agricultural sector is made an exception as the only one in the total economy of South Africa. The land owner is expected to have a 24/7 obligation to his workers, over and above the fact that legislation already obliges the farmer to further and further relinquish his property to fulfill abode legislation with regard to his workers.

THESE MATTERS CAN NO LONGER BE IGNORED.

The farmers of South Africa will do whatever they must do to farm and to provide food for everyone in the country and even in the region. Indeed, they will farm so that you, Mr. President, can enjoy your daily meals. But the above-mentioned matters are making it difficult for the farmer to farm. Indeed, it is becoming impossible. The farmers and the citizens of this land can no longer afford this government.

Their loyalty is being stretched to the limit, and their patience as well. And what TAU SA experiences is indifference from the government, even enmity.

Therefore we request an appointment with you, and all relevant ministers, and we await your reply within 14 days from date of this letter.

Yours sincerely,

Ben Marais,

President

TAU SA

OPE BRIEF AAN DIE “HOOF UITVOERENDE BEAMPTE” VAN DIE VOORTREKKERMONUMENT EN DIE ERFENISSTIGTING, G.N. (GERT) OPPERMAN.

2010-03-26T23:32:00.000Z

Meneer Opperman,

Haatspraak en laster teen my volk deur die buitewêreld, deur Swartes en ook deur sommige Afrikaanssprekendes is niks nuuts nie – dit gebeur eeue reeds. Tot in 1994 was die hoofdoelwit daarmee gewees om my volk só veragtelik te skilder, dat een en almal kon glo ons behoort oor geen duim grond te regeer nie – ook nie oor onsself nie.

Daardie doelwit is op 27 April 1994 bereik, toe ons letterlik oornag slawe in ons eie vaderland geword het en elke greintjie seggenskap oor onsself kwyt is – suiwer en alleen omdat ons te min kinders baar om hoegenaamd sinvol aan veelrassige verkiesings te kan deelneem. Ons dra mos nie by tot die oorbevolking van Planeet Aarde nie, maar word terselfdertyd gedwing om in een Staat saam te woon met volksvreemdes wat onbeheers aanteel; sonder om verantwoordelikheid te aanvaar vir die versorging van ‘n krioelende massa kleintjies. Dan word daardie getalle nog aangevul met miljoene wat vanuit hulle Swart paradyse elders in Afrika steeds elke dag hierheen vlug, na die laaste krummels van die Eerste Wêreld-staat wat Apartheid Suid-Afrika eens was.

En in die hordes krotbuurte - gevul met werkloses en leeglêers en die opbrengs van elke dag en nag se rooftogte - kan die Swart massas wat mekaar se moordluste oorleef, elke 5 jaar weer “demokratiese” verkiesingskruisies trek wat die ANC in staat stel om my en my volk vir die volgende 5 jaar wéér te vertrap.

DIT is die ABSURDHEID van die huidige sogenaamde “DEMOKRASIE”. Feit is: Haatspraak is nou nie meer nodig om ons van selfregering te stroop nie. Haatspraak teen ons se funksie deesdae is aanstigting tot vergrype en misdaad teen my volk … onder andere, aanstigting tot moord.

Want soos Dingaan destyds, skreeu Malema - Jeugleier van die regerende Party - dat die Boere doodgemaak moet word … en die res van die Regering staan bankvas agter hom! Dit beteken niks anders nie as ‘n staats-goedgekeurde voortsetting van Swartes se volksmoord wat teen die Boere-Afrikaner in swang is, nie net op plase nie maar méér nog in dorpe en stede – moorde wat reeds meer slagoffers geëis het as Britse konsentrasiekampe tydens die Anglo-Boereoorlog! ‘n Moord-orgie wat voortwoed veral sedert 1990, toe die Swartes tot hulle eie verstomming begin besef het dat my volk se sogenaamde “leiers” ‘n spul patetiese, lafhartige rugstekers is; al te gereed om die belange van hulle volgelinge te offer solank daar darem op ‘n manier na hulle persoonlike belange omgesien word.

Ja, toe die sogenaamde “herders” hulle kleure gewys het, was my volk gereed om soos skape geslag te word – petisielysies en gepleit en gesmeek by die Regering ten spyt!

En toe, as sinnebeeld van ‘n nuwe geslag leiers wat hierdie volk besig is om op te lewer, daag die President van die Verkennersbeweging, Mnr. Ben Geldenhuys, vir Malema uit om die weerloses met rus te laat en eerder ‘n Boere-Afrikanerman in die fleur van sy lewe by Fort Schanskop op 19 Maart 2010 te ontmoet … as hý wat Malema is dan ‘n Boer wil vermoor. Ja, skielik het Malema en die wêreld gesien dat daar ook in hierdie dag en tyd steeds MANNE is in hierdie volk; manne wat, soos ‘n Jopie Fourie destyds, bereid is om self die dood in die oë te kyk as dit gaan om die vrye voortbestaan en die erfenis van die Boer.

Juis op die “Erfenis-terrein”, soos julle die Voortrekkermonument en Fort Schanskop-gronde noem, wou Ben Geldenhuys vir Malema inwag … die terrein waaroor jy, Meneer Opperman, as besluitnemer optree. (Die “Erfenis” in julle naam, vermoed ‘n mens, verwys na die erfenis van die Boere wat op hulle Oosgrens-plase uitgemoor was; na die erfenis van die oorlewendes wat in die 1830’s met hulle waens uit die Britse Kaapkolonie weg is ter wille van vrye voortbestaan; hulle wie se nasate vandag weer op plase en in stede uitgeroei word? Dan het Ben Geldenhuys mos ‘n uiters gepasde plek vir sy uitdaging aan Malema uitgekies!)

As jy, Generaal Opperman, op 19 Maart 2010 die Erfenisterrein vir toeriste en nuuskieriges gesluit het en saam met Ben Geldenhuys en ons ander Verkenners vir Malema gewag het, sou jy agting gewek het onder hierdie volk wat so smag na leiers wat - soos ‘n Generaal De la Rey - die vyand in die voorste linies in die oë kan kyk. Maar toe kasty jy vir Ben Geldenhuys in ‘n brief oor sy sogenaamde “eiegeregtige optrede” en verbied hom toegang tot die volk se “Erfenis”-terrein.

(Hoe ironies tog dat die Voortrekkermonument , waar jy vandag besluite neem, opgerig is juis tot gedagtenis van mense wat jare lank as “eiegeregtige onderdane” beskou is deur die Britse Regering, voordat ons onafhanklikheid eers in 1852 met die Sandrivier Konvensie erken is). Jy sien, Meneer Opperman, daar is meer as een soort eiegeregtigheid.

Mens kry byvoorbeeld eiegeregtigheid waardeur ‘n publiek wat in jou glo, bedrieg en in die rug gesteek word terwyl jyself agterna in veiligheid en vettigheid verskans is. Soos die tipe eiegeregtigheid waarmee daar op 27 April 1994 ‘n veelrassige, onwenbare verkiesing op ons afgedwing is; gevolg deur ‘n Swart Bewind met ‘n onverbloemde haat vir my volk en kultuur…en dit terwyl daardie noodlotsverkiesing ONWETTIG was omdat dit plaasgevind het ingevolge ‘n Kieswet wat aangeneem was toe Wet 110 van 1983 - die destydse Grondwet van die Republiek van Suid-Afrika en “hoogste Reg” van die land – steeds gegeld het. Artikel 52 van daardie Grondwet het bepaal dat slegs ‘n Blanke, Kleurling of Indiër stemreg kon hê. Dat daardie stuk verfoeilike eiegeregtigheid vir Swartes hulle sogenaamde “freedom” beteken het, is nie vir my ‘n probleem nie. Ek wil nie in een Staat met volksvreemdes woon OF OOR HULLE REGEER NIE – die probleem met 1994 se verfoeilike eiegeregtigheid, is dat dit my volk se internasionaal- erkende reg op selfbeskikking vertrap het.

Dan is daar die tipe van eiegeregtigheid as gevolg waarvan ondernemings - met my verarmde volkie se sikspense opgebou tot waardes van miljarde Rande - vandag aan vreemdes behoort (of altans, wat daarvan oorgebly het) – die EVKOMS, YSKORS, die SASOLS van die lewe; Pos- en Telekommunikasie instellings, Spoorweë en Hawens, finansiële instellings soos Volkskas en SANLAM … te veel om op te noem. Ook dít is verfoeilike eiegeregtigheid.

Of die tipe van eiegeregtigheid waarmee jy, Meneer Opperman, nogal op die Voortrekkermonument se briefhoof adverteer hoe julle “ondersteun” word uit die opbrengs van Suid-Afrika se dobbelary-afgod, die “National Lottery Distribution Trust Fund”. Het jy en jou Direkteure ooit aan die Voortrekker- nasate (dus aan ons, die volk) inspraak gegee in die siek besluit om sulke afgodsgeld te aanvaar? Praat van eiegeregtigheid! Wat sou ‘n Hendrik Potgieter, ‘n Andries Pretorius, ‘n Sarel Celliers daaroor te sê gehad het?

Jou verweer hierop sal seker wees om die volk te beskuldig dat hulle self te laks is om genoeg geld te stort en jy sodoende kastig verplig is om afgodsgeld te aanvaar ter wille van die Monument en “Erfenis”-terrein se instandhouding. Ja, ek kan glo dis nie maklik om miljoene uit die volk te melk nie – verreweg die meeste van hulle is reeds leeg gemelk ter wille van vreemdes! Maar hoekom weet ek van geen byeenkoms wat jy onder die oorblywende welvarendes saamgeroep het om uit te vind of daar nie ‘n ander plan te maak is nie?

En as dit werklik nie sou slaag nie (wat ek sterk betwyfel): Sou ‘n verweerde Voortrekkermonument , maar sonder om die God van Bloedrivier verder te vertoorn, nie verkieslik wees bó prag en praal en foutlose fasiliteite nie? Ten minste sou ‘n verweerde Voortrekkermonument die klippe dan kon wees wat saam uitroep - saam ween oor my volk se derduisende wat, net soos by Bloukrans en Weenen in 1838, nog steeds elke dag en nag onverwags deur oormagte oorval en barbaars vermoor word; oor ‘n werklose jeug en werklose gesinshoofde - werkloos omdat hulle Blank is, moedverlore omdat hulle werkloos is; oor ouers van kinders wat naak en honger is; oor ons dogters wat slawe vir Nigeriese seks- en dwelmkartelle is; oor Boere-dogters en bejaarde vroue wat hulleself nie vrywillig aanbied nie en dan deur barbare-bendes verkrag word; oor “Christen-geestelike s” wat die verbreking van die dogter van my volk wil genees deur te verklaar “Vrede! Vrede!” terwyl daar GEEN VREDE IS NIE; oor selfs kerke talle Godsgebooie wat ons Voortrekkers nog eerbiedig het, nou afmaak en minag as “outyds”; oor ons kinders wat Goddeloosheid in staatskole se leerplanne gevoer word en selfs ‘n afgodslied daar moet sing as sogenaamde “volkslied”! (Of dink jy miskien die ANC verwys na God die Vader, Seun en Heilige Gees - die God van Bloedrivier – in hulle “Nkosi Sikelel’ Afrika”?)

Ja, ek en my volk is tot die droesem toe moeg, sat van al sulke selfgesentreerde, rugsteker-“eiegeregtigheid”. Maar die “eiegeregtigheid” van Graaff-Reinet en Swellendam in 1795; die “eiegeregtigheid” van die Slachtersnek- martelare; die “eiegeregtigheid” van die Emigrante-Boeren; die “eiegeregtigheid” van die burgers wat Majoeba-kruin gestorm het; die “eiegeregtigheid” van die Kaapse Rebelle in die Tweede Vryheidsoorlog en die Rebelle van 1914; die “eiegeregtigheid” van die Ossewa-Brandwag; “eiegeregtigheid” die afgelope 40 jaar en meer van beswadderde “Regses” soos Ben Geldenhuys – danksy daardie tipe “EIEGEREGTIGES”, wat elke generasie nog opgelewer het TOT DIENS AAN MY VOLK, is hierdie volk nog nie uitgedoof nie. Want geregtigheid was my volk nog nooit deur andere gegun nie – en alte dikwels het ons eie vlees en bloed lustig meegedoen om laksman te speel. Geregtigheid moes ons telkens maar weer verkry op ons eie; ons ou klompie volkstroue “eiegeregtiges” - strompelend en al te dikwels ook belaai met sondeskuld soos alle mense – maar voortgedra deur die genade van die Almagtige God van Bloedrivier. Want hier, anderkant die riviere van Kus, sal Sy aanbidders, Sy verstrooide gemeente Sy offerande bring – en al is ons ook ‘n ellendige en geringe volk, sal ons bly skuiling soek by Sy Naam...

Meneer Opperman, ek wil ‘n beroep op jou en jou mede-direkteure doen: Sluit aan by die stroom in hierdie volk wat weer, soos in 1836, weier om onder vreemde heerskappy te buig, weier om die knie voor Baäl te buig. Sluit as direksie aan, soos talle ander organisasies, by die Afrikanerfront en groepeer saam met hulle om Selfbeskikking as die saambindende beginsel. Werk saam, soos die Afrikanerfront- organisasies, met die Volksraad Verkiesingskommissie aan die grootse taak om op 31 Mei 2011 ons eie demokraties- verkose Volksraad ingehuldig te kry, wat ons eis om Selfbeskikking ooreenkomstig die Volkereg gaan afdwing.
En as julle nie tot daardie stappe bereid is nie: Volg die eerbare weg, bedank as Direkteure, en dra daardie rol oor aan die Verkennersbeweging. Ek vra julle dit, nie in selfsugtige eiegeregtigheid nie … maar ter wille van geregtigheid teenoor die vermoordes en seëvierendes van die Groot Trek en geregtigheid teenoor hulle IDEE wat veronderstel is om deur die Voortrekkermonument versinnebeeld te word: die IDEE van Volksvoortbestaan in Vryheid, Onafhanklikheid, en Selfbeskikking danksy die uitredding van God; met Staat en Owerheid wat Hom sal ken en dien in wetgewing, wetsuitvoering en wetstoepassing… net soos alle burgers dit in hulle daaglikse lewe moet doen.

Die uwe
Paul Kruger

Geldenhuys waits for Malema shoot-out

2010-03-19T21:50:00.000Z

ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema has not yet arrived to shoot a "boer" at Fort Schanskop, south of Pretoria, today.

The national secretary of the Verkenners Beweging (scouts' movement) Ben Geldenhuys was waiting for Malema to come and shoot him, but he had not yet arrived by 12.30pm.

Last week, Geldenhuys challenged Malema to shoot him, after the youth league leader sang "shoot the boer".

Geldenhuys said if Malema was so keen to shoot a boer, "let him come shoot me instead of inciting other people to murder defenceless elderly farmers and women".

"To make it easy for him, I will wait for him at Fort Schanskop at 12 noon on March 19," he said last week.

Geldenhuys told Sapa while waiting for Malema on Friday: "I haven't backed down, I'll be waiting."

ANC spokesman Ishmael Mnisi said Geldenhuys and his organisation must "engage with" Malema and give him an opportunity to express himself.

"This is just a pre-occupation of something unwarranted," he said referring queries to the youth wing for further comment on the matter.

The league's spokesman Floyd Shivambu was not immediately available for comment, although he insisted last week that the song was "blown out of proportion".

He said the song, together with President Jacob Zuma's "Umshini wam", was a commemorative song about the past.

Malema sang "shoot the boere" while addressing students at the University of Johannesburg, sparking outrage among Afrikaners and others, who said he was inciting violence against whites.

Geldenhuys said 3000 farmers, most of them elderly women, had been brutally murdered on their farms since the ANC came to power in 1994.

He said this could not simply be ascribed to crime.

Malema-moorde

2010-03-16T10:37:00.003Z

Na aanleiding van ‘n televisiedebat tussen onder meer die Verkennersbeweging en die ANC, het die ANC bekend gemaak dat hulle, ten spyte van verdere plaasmoorde wat gevolg het op Malema se opdrag dat Boere geskiet moet word, sing van die liedjie “SKIET DIE BOER” steeds goedkeur en derhalwe aanmoedig. Vanweë die bedreiging van hierdie rassistiese haat wat die ANC teenoor Blankes openbaar, wil die Verkennersbeweging ‘n beroep op FIFA doen om die sokkerwêreldbeker in Suid-Afrika te stop. Dit is duidelik dat die Blankes vir die ANC ‘n teiken geword het om uit te moor en uit te wis. Dit sou gevolglik dus onverskillig wees as blanke toeriste wat na Suid-Afrika kom, nie betyds gewaarsku word dat ook hulle lewens bedreig word en dat hulle ook teikens van die ANC sal wees.

Weens die oorweldigende steun vir die uitdaging wat Ben Geldenhuys van die Verkennersbeweging aan Malema gerig het om hom om 12:00 op Vrydag 19 Maart 2010 te Fort Schanskop te kom skiet, het die Verkennersbeweging besluit om ‘n beroep op Suid-Afrikaners te doen om op 19 Maart 2010 om 12:00 ‘n minuut stilte te handhaaf uit respek vir die talle boere wat reeds sedert 1994 vermoor is.

Die Verkenners sal ook alle plaasmoorde wat na 8 Maart 2010 gepleeg word as “Malema-moorde” beskou. Ons doen derhalwe ‘n beroep op volksgenote om hierdie voorbeeld te volg, want 8 Maart 2010 is immers die datum waarop Malema aan sy ondersteuners opdrag gegee het om boere te skiet, omdat hulle kwansuis verkragters is. Die Verkenners beskou dit as ‘n lae intensiteit oorlogsverklaring teen die Afrikaners in besonder die blankes in die algemeen. Ons doen dus ‘n beroep op Afrikaners en alle ander blankes om paraat te wees teen voortgesette lafhartige moordaanvalle wat op Malema se opdrag gaan volg en dit met sukses af te weer.

Werner Smook

Uitvoerende Beampte

Verkenners Beweging van Suid-Afrika

'Malema, shoot me instead of farmers'

2010-03-12T19:17:00.001Z

The national secretary of the Verkenners Beweging (scouts' movement), Ben Geldenhuys, has challenged ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema to shoot him instead of innocent farmers, and has even named a place, date and time for the event.

In a statement on Thursday, Geldenhuys said the Verkenners Beweging was "furious" about Malema's singing "shoot the boer".

He said that since the ANC had come to power in 1994, more than 3 000 farmers, mainly elderly and female, had been brutally murdered on their farms.

This could not simply be ascribed to crime.

Malema's utterances were considered by the Verkenners Beweging as incitement to murder farmers and were totally unacceptable.

"If Malema is so keen to shoot a boer, let him come shoot me instead of inciting other people to murder defenceless elderly farmers and women.

"To make it easy for him, I will wait for him at Fort Schanskop at 12 noon on March 19, 2010," Geldenhuys said. - Sapa

Die slag van Amajuba - Sondag, 27 Februarie 1881

2010-02-15T22:00:00.006Z

Die Slag van Majuba was die laaste van vier militêre botsings tussen Groot-Brittanje en die Boere van Transvaal gedurende die Eerste Vryheidsoorlog (Desember 1880 - Maart 1881. Dit het op 27 Februarie 1881 plaasgevind. Die klinkende en vernederende oorwinning wat die Boere behaal het, het die Britte gedwing om Transvaal weer sy vryheid te gee, nadat dit op 12 April 1877 geannekseer is ('n verbreking van die Sandrivier-konvensie van 1852).

Na die Britse anneksasie van Transvaal het die Boere op 8 Desember 1880 te Paardekraal (wat later Krugersdorp geword het) tydens 'n protesvergadering die onafhanklikheid van Transvaal uitgeroep. Dit was die begin van die Eerste Vryheidoorlog. Die Boere het al die Britse garnisoene onder beleg geplaas en die eerste militêre botsing by Bronkhorstspruit oortuigend gewen.

Generaal-majoor Sir George Pomeroy Colley was die opperbevelvoerder van die Britse magte in Suid-Afrika, asook die goewerneur van Natal en Hoë Kommissaris oor die Britse Kolonies in Suidelike Afrika, 'n briljante man met 'n uitstekende militêre rekord en voormalige professor aan die Sandhurst Militêre Akademie in Engeland. Hy het 'n opmars van Natal na Pretoria begin om die garnisoene te ontset. Hy het met 1200 troepe kamp opgeslaan op die plaas Mount Prospect, suid van Laingsnek.

Laingsnek was 'n strategiese plek waar die roete tussen Pietermaritzburg (in Natal) en Pretoria (in Transvaal) oor die Drakensberge gegaan het. 'n Boeremag van 1500 man onder Kommandant-generaal Piet Joubert het hulle op die lang rug van Laingsnek, net oos van Majuba, ingegrawe om Colley se opmars te stuit.

Op 28 Januarie 1881 (Die Slag van Laingsnek) het Generaal Colley se magte probeer om Laingsnek te verower, maar moes die aftog blaas nadat Kolonel Deane en baie van sy troepe gesneuwel het. Op 8 Februarie 1881 (Die Slag van Ingogo, ook bekend as die Slag van Skuinshoogte) het Colley se troepe weer onsuksesvol met die Boere onder Generaal Nicolaas Smit slaags geraak.

Hierna het Colley nog 2000 troepe van Newcastle laat kom en die plan bedink om die berg Majuba te beset, vanwaar hy kon neerkyk op die Boere se stellings by Laingsnek. Die Britte het die berg gedurende die nag van 26 Februarie uitgeklim. Daar was 405 Britse soldate op die berg, insluitend 171 van die 58ste Regiment en 141 van die 92ste Regiment (die 92nd Highlanders). Teen dagbreek om 04:30 is soldate rondom die kruin van die berg uitgeplaas. Die Gordon Highlanders het die noordelike en noordwestelike kruin beset, asook Gordon se koppie (Gordon's Knoll), een van drie koppies bo-op Majuba.

Daardie Sondagoggend het die Boere onmiddelik nadat hulle die Britse soldate op die berg gesien het, planne beraam om dit te bestorm. Generaal Nicolaas Smit, die bevelvoerder, het vrywilligers gevra en drie afdelings is gevorm onder leiding van kommandant Joachim Ferreira, assistent-veldkornet Fanus Roos en assistent-veldkornet Danie Malan. Generaal Smit het opdrag gegee dat die manne bo 50 agter die rotse van die eerste plato moes bly skuil en na elke Engelsman wat sy kop oor die boonste rand uitsteek, moes skiet. Dit het dit moontlik gemaak vir die res van die Boere om onder vuurdekking tot reg onder die kruin te kom, wat hulle net voor die middaguur, na 'n klim van ses uur, bereik het.

Intussen het Colley opdrag gegee dat die berg vir ten minste drie dae verdedig moes word en het hy en baie van die troepe wat dwarsdeur die nag die berg uitgeklim het, verlore slaap ingehaal.

Teen 12:45 het die Boere met hewige geweervuur op Gordon se koppie losgebars en dit verower. Gedurende die volgende uur, het die Boere oor die kruin gestroom en die Britte met akkurate skietwerk groot veliese toegedien. Daar was groot verwarring en die Britte het na die suidekant van die bergtop begin vlug. Generaal Colley is bokant sy regteroog raakgeskiet en is op die berg oorlede. Die res van die Britse mag het oor die agterste kruin gespring en is beseer, geskiet of gevange geneem.

Van die Britse soldate het 92 gesneuwel, 134 is gewond en 59 is gevange geneem. Slegs een van die Boere (H. Bekker) het daardie dag gesneuwel ('n tweede een, J. Groenewald, het later aan sy wonde beswyk) en ses ander is gewond. Dit toon die verskil tussen die Britte en die Boere se kamoeflering en skietvernuf.

Die veldslag het daartoe gelei dat die Britse bevelvoerders op 21 Maart 1881 'n vredesooreenkoms geteken het.

Alhoewel daar nie baie soldate betrokke was nie, was die veldslag belangrik, om die volgende redes:

'n Vredesooreenkoms is geteken, wat later tot die Pretoria Konvensie tussen die Britte en die jong Suid-Afrikaanse Republiek gelei het en die Eerste Vryheidsoorlog beëindig het.
Naas Bloedrivier, was die veldslag van Majuba vir die Boere die belangrikste in hulle geskiedenis, want dit het hulle eie volksbestaan bevestig en hulle die selfvertroue en nasietrots in hulle taal en kultuur gegee wat gelei het tot latere taalbewegings en weerstand teen Groot-Brittanje tydens die Tweede Vryheidsoorlog.
Die vuur-en-bewegingstaktiek wat Generaal Smit en die Boere gebruik het tydens die bestorming van die berg, was 'n nuutjie en is eers jare later deur ander leërs gebruik.
Die Britte het die vier volslae nederlae (Bronkhorstspruit, Laingsnek, Skuinshoogte en Majuba) nie vergeet nie en dit het waarskynlik gevolge gehad tydens die Tweede Vryheidsoorlog, beter bekend as die Anglo-Boereoorlog van 1899 - 1902. "Remember Majuba!" het 'n strydkreet geword.

Kaptein Hindon

2008-12-15T13:35:00.008Z

Captain Jack Hindon and his train wreckers. Photograph

Die volgende interessante inligting oor John Oliver Hindon is hier gevind.

The following interesting information on John Oliver Hindon was found here

HINDON'S LOST MANUSCRIPT

John Oliver Hindon, also known as Captain Jack Hindon of the Hindon Scouts or Dynamite Jack for his attacks during the Anglo-Boer War (1899-1902) against British supply and troop trains, was Scottish by birth.

His mother was a child-bride married to a British Army veteran. Jack Hindon had one sister, Margaret, and the family moved frequently, either because his father was restless or because his mother followed the available work. He joined the British Army like his father, but he absconded after a beating by his officer. This happened while in Durban, Natal, which was at that time a British annex.

Hindon traveled inland to the Transvaal Republic where he became a stonemason and later a police officer. He assisted the Boers against Leander Starr Jameson who, under orders from Cecil John Rhodes, tried to take the Transvaal Republic and its gold deposits by force. Hindon was rewarded for his loyalty to the Boer government with citizenship.

When the Anglo-Boer War started he was sequestered to the Middelburg commando and fought with distinction during the war. Almost immediately after the war he began to suffer from a combat induced neurological disease.

He married Martha Coetzee and in 1904, like many other fighters in the war, he traveled to St Louis to perform in the Boer War Show at the Exposition. The show was taken to Coney Island where it went bankrupt, stranding its players in New York without finances. Many of the Boers in the show settled in the United States.

Hindon was taken in by the Irish Americans and lived between Europe and the States until 1910 when Union was declared. In 1911 Louis Botha, the Prime Minister of the new Union, lifted the ban on Hindon who was by then seriously ill. Hindon returned to Middelburg in the Transvaal where John Tower Blake, an American living in South Africa, gave him a rent free home to live in. This home was known as Blake House.

Friends in government made sure that Hindon's wife Martha had work, and that he received an income from donations. Gustav Preller wrote a pot boiler and fictionalized biography of Hindon which was sold to raise funds for his friend and comrade in arms during the Anglo-Boer War.

In 1914, around the time WWI was declared, a group of Boers who had always believed that they had been betrayed by Louis Botha and other leaders who had negotiated peace with the British, rebelled. The rebellion was quelled and the players exorcised from political and social life, many left destitute and without permanent work for the rest of their lives.

Louis Botha, once a close friend of Jack Hindon's wrote to him asking if he had been involved in the rebellion. At this point, it is necessary to say that Jack Hindon had grown from a recalcitrant teenager into an astute political adviser and a sought-after supporter by political pundits in South Africa.

Botha and Botha's advisers feared that Hindon was a facilitator for the rebels. This suspicion was more an expression of the paranoia of a besieged government than a reality as Jack Hindon by the time he received Botha's letter was blind, paralyzed and in extreme pain. The only functional organ in his body was his brain which remained alert, incisive, and master of its owner.

Hindon was outraged by Botha's accusation. He responded with one of the most lucid and power pieces of political writing for the time, and he did so in English, explaining that perhaps his use of Afrikaans as a second language was not aiding in clarity and intention of meaning, so he would explain the situation to Botha not only in words of one syllable, but in words written in his mother tongue.

Hindon and Botha died within reach of each other as WWI and its subsequent memories and consequences were still freshly etched on the pages of history. Both died sick, broken men, but both left legacies that are still remembered today, even though one is more silent and more hidden than the other.

One of the things Jack Hindon left behind was a manuscript about the Anglo-Boer War, early Afrikaner nationalism, and his perceptions of his time and his adopted home. It was written in English. He left all his personal papers and ephemera to Gustav Preller with the request that the manuscript be published after his death. It never was.

Preller gave a plausible reason for not publishing it. WWI had changed the face of the world and the Anglo-Boer War had been re-written as a footnote in history. What Hindon had to say no longer mattered.

It is more probable that Preller had watched in horror as the Botha government destroyed its opponents and their careers and futures. After Louis Botha came the Jan Smuts era. Although an ardent rebel during the Anglo-Boer War, Jan Smuts became a man of Empire and more rabid in his determination to stamp out opposition than Botha ever was. Preller wanted to survive, and publishing Hindon's manuscript was not one of the ways in which to do so.

I have looked for Jack Hindon's manuscript in every potential place of storage - logically speaking - and I have come up empty-handed. Either Preller destroyed Hindon's manuscript, or someone else did. Because the fate of this manuscript is still unknown it is possible, marginally so, that Hindon's words continue to exist somewhere. And one thing is certain about those words - they told a story very different from the one that has been manufactured by political agendas over the past one hundred years. This is a story that could potentially reveal the true role of foreigners in the Boer ranks, and it could clarify the reasons why men, good and loyal men, were destroyed so utterly and so irrationally by once former friends like Louis Botha, a man not remembered for brutality.

Suksesvolle begin

2008-12-10T16:36:00.003Z

Die Jack Hindon Verkenners het op Saterdag 6 Desember 2008 hul eerste suksesvolle aksie geloods.

Onderaan vind u die Mediaverklaring wat daardie dag uitgereik is:

Below is the Media Announcement of the first peaceful protest on 6 December 2008.

LEAVE OUR HERITAGE ALONE

Chingford, United Kingdom

On Saturday morning, 6 December 2008, members of the Jack Hindon Scouts pledged solidarity with the passive resistance movement in South Africa which has as aim to prevent the Greater Tshwane Metropolitan Council from renaming South Africa’s capital from Pretoria to Tshwane.

With the name change, a number of street names have also been identified for renaming from Afrikaner historical figures and settings to “struggle cadres”.

The Jack Hindon Scouts (in Afrikaans “Jack Hindon Verkenners”, is a cultural movement of the Afrikaner people in South Africa who wish to ensure that the language and traditions of the Afrikaner people are upheld wherever Afrikaners may find themselves) have kept with the passive resistance that started in Pretoria and tied a red ribbon to the street sign Pretoria Road in Chingford.

When asked what the aim of the occasion was, the chairman of the Jack Hindon Scouts, Francois Keulder, said: “We wish to highlight the injustice done unto our culture and heritage, not only in South Africa but also to the international community. We believe that by doing so we may be able to start a debate that may aid in eliminating the emotionally charged route that the Tshwane Metropolitan Council has embarked on.”

Other members of the group were all in favour of appealing to the South African Government to rather, in these challenging economic times, spend the millions of rands that such name changes will amount to on social upliftment programmes and service delivery, which seems to have been side lined recently.

One member commented that South Africa’s neighbour, Zimbabwe, could be aided with the money which could see an enormous amount of relief on Zimbabwe’s infrastructure and South Africa’s resources.

Jack Hindon

2008-12-10T16:21:00.001Z

Oliver 'Jack' Hindon was born in Stirling, Scotland, on 20 April 1874. He joined the army at a young age (only about fourteen years old) as a 'band boy' and was sent to Zululand, where he deserted. He then went to live in Wakkerstroom, and during the Jameson Raid in 1895/6, he fought so bravely on the side of the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek (ZAR) forces that he was immediately made a full citizen.

Four years later, at the start of the Anglo-Boer War, Hindon joined the Middelburg Commando. At the battle of Spioenkop, Hindon once again showed great bravery under enemy fire when he flew the Vierkleur on the summit of the hill. It was then that he formed his own scout unit which proved so successful that Lord Kitchener stated that Hindon had caused him more problems than any other Boer.

Hindon and his men would become notorious train-wreckers, particularly along the Delagoa Bay Railway Line where they fought under the command of General Ben Viljoen with Captain Henri Slegtkamp and his men.

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